Swedish Translations
Gustaf Wilhelm Gumælius (1789–1877), author, minister, and politician,1 Amenius, “Gustaf Wilhelm Gumælius.” in his 1817 review of Thorkelin’s first edition of Beowulf, tried his hand at translating a few passages of the poem into Swedish and was the first to do so. He composed in the ON fornyrðislag meter, which resembles that of OE, and writes this about the experience: “The metre of the whole work is quite like Norse. Pure Fornydislag, most of it regular. The reviewer has tried to reconstruct them in the attempts at translation given above, but the difficulties were so great that only partial success could be achieved.”2 Shippey and Haarder, Beowulf, p. 142.
Rudolf Mauritz Wickberg (1851–1940) was much more successful. He earned his Ph.D. at the University of Lund in 1877, briefly served as a reader there in comparative Germanic linguistics, and then became a lecturer in French and English at the state secondary grammar school in Västervik, teaching from 1883 to 1917. According to the 1921 edition of the encyclopedia Nordisk Familjebok (Nordic Family Book), his major achievement was translating Beowulf into Swedish and therefore having “incorporated that unparalleled poetic work into Swedish literature.”3 “införlifvat detta enastående diktverk med svenska litteraturen.” Anon., “Rudolf Mauritz Wickberg.” The translation was originally attached to the annual report on the Västervik school for 1888–89 as a mere appendix. Twenty-five years later in 1914, Beowulf: En fornengelsk hjältedikt (Beowulf: An OE Heroic Poem) was issued in a second edition with an updated introduction as volume five in “Askerbergs populär-vetenskapliga bibliotek” (Askerberg’s Popular Scholarly Library). That series was intended for an educated, but not professional, audience and would approach that audience in a way “that, through lucidity, clarity and precision, makes reading a pleasure and a revitalization.”4 “som genom åskådlighet, klarhet och precision gör läsandet till ett nöje och en vederkvickelse.” Wickberg, Beowulf, 2nd ed., inside front cover. The introduction gives an overview of the poem,5 Ibid., pp. 5–6. its historical and legendary background,6 Ibid., pp. 7–10. its prehistory, age, and manuscript,7 Ibid., pp. 10–13. and its language, style, and meter.8 Ibid., pp. 13–15. Wickberg also supplies a glossary of names, all of which are in the original OE, and breaks the poem into four parts instead of forty-three fitts or songs: the fight with Grendel,9 Ibid., pp. 16–55. the fight with Grendel’s mother,10 Ibid., pp. 56–76. Beowulf’s return,11 Ibid., pp. 77–86. and the fight with the dragon.12 Ibid., pp. 87–118. Over 100 years later in 2022, Bo Gräslund would give Wickberg’s translation and introduction currency yet again. See the discussion below.
Erik Björkman (1872–1919) trained in Nordic philology, German, and English, and held professorships at Lund, Göteborg, and Uppsala, where he was appointed Professor of English Language in 1911. He published much of his work in German and English, his thesis on Scandinavian Loan-Words in Middle English (1900–02) and treatises on Nordische personennamen in England in alt- und frühmittel-englischer zeit (1910) and Zur englischen namenkunde (1912) being good examples. His major work in Beowulf studies is Studien über die Eigennamen im Beowulf, published posthumously in 1920.13 Ekwall, “Erik Björkman.” Among the several items in Swedish that he published during his lifetime is his translation of the last part of the poem, the fight with the dragon, in 1902. Wickberg mentions this translation in his 1914 introduction to his translation,14 Wickberg, Beowulf, 2nd ed., p. 13. and Sune Lindqvist would later come to prefer it to Wickberg’s as more accurate.15 See, e.g., Lindqvist’s “Sutton Hoo and Beowulf.”
Beowulf, Fornengelsk Dikt” (Beowulf, OE Poem) was published in Henrik Schück’s Världslitteraturen i urval och öfversättning (Selected World Literature in Translation) in 1902. Björkman offers an extremely detailed and accurate prose summary of lines 1–2207,16 Björkman, Beowulf, pp. 463–70. which is followed by a brief essay on Beowulf by Schück, anticipating his more fully developed 1909 argument in Studier i Beowulfsagan.17 Ibid., pp. 471–74. Björkman’s “prosaic,” line-by-line translation of lines 2207–17, 2232–310, and 2313–3182 with footnotes to the translation mostly by Schück follows Schück’s essay.18 Ibid., pp. 475–501. Lines 2207 through 2217 of Björkman’s translation are below, followed by the OE text. I have given literal English translations of both under each of the first few lines to emphasize how close Björkman’s translation is to the original OE:
Så kom det vida konungariket
So the broad kingdom came
I Beowulfs händer; väl han det styrde
into Beowulf’s hands; well he ruled it
I femtio vintrar – en grånad konung var han,
for fifty years – a hoary king he was
En åldrig odalherre – tills en drake begynte
an old landlord – until a dragon began
I nätternas mörker visa sitt välde.
in the darkness of the nights to show its power.
syððan Beowulfe brade rice
Afterward the broad kingdom
on hand gehwearf; he geheold tela
passed into Beowulf’s hands; he ruled well
fiftig wintra – wæs ða frod cyning,
fifty years – he was then a wise old king,
eald eþelweard – oð ðæt an ongan
an old land guardian – until a dragon began
Deorcum nihtum draca ricsian.
in the dark nights to hold sway.
The rest of the passage and my translation of it read:
På högan hed han vaktade sin skatt
Sin branta klippborg; en stig gick där nedan,
Okänd för människor. Där trängde en gång
En främling in. Begärligt grep han tag i
Den hedniska skatten.19 Ibid., p. 475.
On the mound, he guarded his treasure
his steep rock fortress; a path went down there,
unknown to humans. There one time a
stranger forced himself in. He eagerly grabbed
hold of the heathen treasure.
Björn Collinder (1894–1983), who published the most widely read and popular Swedish translation of Beowulf in 1954, renders the same lines this way:
så kom sedan det stora riket
i Beowulfs hand. Han hävdade det väl
i femtio vintrar – han var en vis king,
den åldrige drotten – tills en drake kom
för att öva sin makt i mörka nätter.
I vindsvepte viste vaktar han sin skatt
på en stupbrant bergshöjd. En stig ledde dit,
som var okänd för alla – men en gång tog sig
en man dit in och roffade åt sig
ur hednaskatten en herrlig bägare
so then the great kingdom came
into Beowulf’s hands. He ruled it well
for fifty winters – he was a wise king,
the aged chieftain – until a dragon came
to exercize power in the dark nights.
In windswept wisdom, he guards his treasure
on a steep sloping mountain summit. A path led
there that was unknown to all – but one time
a man found his way there and grabbed for
himself from the heathen hoard a glorious cup.
The alliteration is there, the regular rhythm of the original, and the translation carries one away on its beauty and force, much as Seamus Heaney’s translation carries its readers away. It was called “a monumental work” by one reviewer in the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet and a “momentous cultural achievement” by another in Stockholms Tidningen.20 Knut Hagberg and Bertil Molde respectively. Quoted on the dust jacket on the 1955 issue of the book. In their scholarly review of the book, A. S. C. Ross and E. G. Stanley concur, writing, “It must surely be an unusual event for a great specialist in one Philology to translate into the verse of his native language the most famous work of quite another Philology. This is, however, what Professor Collinder has done – and done excellently.”21 Ross and Stanley, Review of Collinder, p. 110.
Collinder was Professor of Finno-Ugric Philology at the University of Uppsala, 1933 to 1961, and he was a formidable force in the field. His Fenno-Ugric Vocabulary (1955), Survey of the Uralic Languages (1957), and Comparative Grammar of the Uralic Languages (1960), for example, have become classics in Finno-Ugric studies. He also translated important works by authors such as Euripides, Sophocles, and Shakespeare, and his translation of The Kalevala, like his translation of Beowulf, “is considered pithy and brilliant,” especially in its fourth edition published in 1970. He was a fellow of learned societies in Finland, Norway, Denmark, Austria, and Hungary, and in his later years he stood out “as a giant of education who combined profound Swedishness with extensive knowledge of world cultures.”22 “betraktas som kärnfull och snillrik.” “en bildningens jätte som förenade ursvenskheten med omfattande kunskaper om världskulturerna.” Tarkiainen, “Collinder.”
Description: Björn Collinder sits at his desk in a three-piece suit, shirt and tie, with...
Figure 12. Björn Collinder, 1957.
Sune Lindqvist, the distinguished archaeologist discussed in chapter 5, published the extremely complicated and detailed Beowulf Dissectus. Snitt ur fornkvädet jämte svensk tydning (Beowulf Dissected: Excerpts from the Ancient Poem and a Swedish Interpretation) in 1958. He had planned to work with his colleague Björn Collinder in developing the translation for the book, but the freedom Collinder had to take in his translation to make the alliterative verse function in Swedish rendered that translation too loose for Lindqvist’s purposes. He consequently did his own.23 Lindqvist, Beowulf Dissectus, p. 6. His main goal is relatively simple: to excise from the surrounding superfluous tissue of Christian interpolation and digression the original text of the poem and arrange it chronologically so that modern readers (especially modern Swedish readers) could better appreciate it. It could thus take its rightful place as Sweden’s national epic. Denmark has its Saxo Grammaticus, after all (Grundtvig would say that it has its Beowulf), and Norway and Iceland their Snorri Sturluson, so why should Sverige not have its comparable monument?24 Ibid., p. 5. Lundqvist supplies a complex diagram of what the original text and subsequent additions look like on pp. 123–25.
Lindqvist felt that since the main characters of the central narrative of Beowulf are Geatas, and Geatas are generally accepted as the Götar of Västgötaland in mainland Sweden, the basic material of that narrative has to derive from Swedish, especially götisk, tradition.25 Ibid., p. 8. If we accept that premise, then we can also accept the implied premise that the language of the original narrative was East ON or OldSwed. That probability in turn can directly affect the way we interpret the language of the narrative, even in its present incarnation in OE. Thus, although Lindqvist had always read Beowulf as an archaeologist, fixing on funerary customs and material culture, in this book he delves largely into the archaeology of the word, what has become known since the 1990s as “textual archaeology.”26 Herschend, “Striden i Finnsborg.” As T. S. Eliot remarks in “Whispers of Immortality” about the Elizabethan dramatist John Webster, Lindqvist “saw the skull beneath the skin,”27 Eliot, Complete Poems, p. 52. the underlying original text beneath subsequent textual layers.
Supplementing the glosses and commentaries of major editions of the poem such as Klaeber and Clark Hall/Wrenn with reference to dictionaries of old Swedish laws, medieval Swedish, and Swedish etymology,28 Lindqvist, Beowulf Dissectus, p. 9. Lindqvist tackles some hard words. Take just two examples: aldorleas (lines 1587a, 3003a) and garsecg (49a, 515a, 537b). Aldorleas appears three times in Beowulf, where it means “lordless” once and has been taken to mean “lifeless” or “dead” the other two times. In lines 1586–87a in the cave in Grendel’s mere, however, the poet has Beowulf encountering “guðwerigne Grendel licgan, aldorleasne” (battle-weary Grendel lying lifeless). Lindqvist thinks that, here especially, a better meaning for the adjective than traditional OE glossaries provide is found in OSwed, where the comparable word (alster related to ala related to aldor) as a substantive does mean “lifetime, life, or age” but metaphorically also means “offspring,” because offspring are what make us live on. The great weight in ancient Scandinavia that was put on a man’s having a son who could avenge his death and take over his position and responsibilities is well known,29 Ibid., p. 105. writes Lindqvist, and the appropriateness of “battle-weary Grendel lying sonless” is manifest. The adjective “sonless,” in fact, could have been originally used in the two other places where it appears as well and seems especially appropriate when applied to Beowulf in line 3003a. The Swedes are predicted to attack the Geats once they hear that “our lord is sonless, he who once held the hoard and kingdom against all enemies.”
Garsecg (lines 49a, 515a, 537b), which is almost universally interpreted to mean “ocean,” likewise appears three times in the poem and presents an equally interesting problem. Two of those instances occur in the Breca episode, which Lindqvist regards as an interpolation and therefore much later than the original narrative. The first instance of the word, on the other hand, does occur in that original narrative. It concerns Scyld Scefing, whom the Danes “geafon on garsecg.” Lindqvist believes there are two possibilities for interpreting this line in its original Scandinavian context, both having to do with Odin. First, garsecg or “spear man” could simply be an epithet for Odin, not Neptune, the god of the spear. So the Danes gave Scyld Scefing to Odin or the realm of the dead. Or, second, the word could originally have been the OSwed word Geirs-oddr (spear point) and refer to the broader analogous story of Sigurðr Hringr in Skjoldunga saga.30 Ibid., pp. 121–22. In the saga, the aged Swedish king, gravely wounded in battle, climbs onto his own burial ship and stabs himself (or is stabbed) to death to begin his journey to Odin’s realm. Scyld Scefing could also have begun his journey to the afterworld at the point of the spear, a perfectly natural, according to Lindqvist, way to meet your end in the Nordic tradition. And so, digging down to the ur-lexicon in this manner, scalping away superfluous digressive and Christian tissue from the skull, Lindqvist moves Beowulf closer to the heart of Iron Age Sweden.
The Swedes have taken the young audience for Beowulf seriously, just as the Danes and Norwegians have, and produced two appropriate translations of retellings of the poem. The first is of the version for children aged twelve to fifteen by Robert Nye (1939–2016), the best-selling British novelist and poet,31 Worley, “Robert Nye.” who published his retelling of the whole of Beowulf in 1968. He writes in his afterword to the book that he offers an interpretation, not a translation. Myths have great meaning for children, he continues, and he has tried to make his retelling of this one live for children and young adults of future generations.32 Nye, Beowulf, p. 109. Birgitta Gahrton (1935–), a renowned translator of children’s books and Margaret Atwood’s works, has in turn tried to make it live for future generations of Swedes. Here is her version of the scene in which Hrothgar decides to build Heorot:
En dag bestämde sig Hrodgar för att bygga en stor festhall för en del av allt krigsbyte som han hade vunnit. ”Jag har drömt om en festhall”, sade han till sina undersåtar, ”och i drömmen såg jag i denna hall en festsal som var större än alla andra salar sedan tidernas begynnelse. Golvet glänste och taket var av guld. Det fanns elfenben överallt och en tron där en kung kunde sitta. Precis en sådan sal tänker jag bygga. Skalder ska sjunga där – om segrar och nederlag och om min farfarsfar, Skyld Skefing, som var så stark. Och mina egna modiga krigsmän ska äta och dricka där. Jag ska kalla hallen för Heorot.33 Ibid., p. 15.
One day, Hrodgar decided to build a great ceremonial hall with part of all the spoils of war that he had won. “I have dreamed of a ceremonial hall,” he said to his subjects, “and in the dream I saw in this hall a banquet room that was greater than all others since the beginning of time. The floor shone and the ceiling was made of gold. There was ivory everywhere and a throne where a king could sit. I’m thinking of building just such a room. Scalds will sing there – about victories and defeats and about my great-grandfather, Scyld Scefing, who was so strong. And my own brave warriors will eat and drink there. I will call the hall Heorot.
The book was published in 2000 with a second edition following in 2007.
Rob Lloyd Jones (1977–), an award-winning British children’s author, likewise retold the whole of Beowulf for children but even younger ones than those that Robert Nye chose as his audience. Lloyd Jones retells the whole Beowulf story for readers around age seven. Those readers benefit from a simple text embedded in engaging illustrations. Victor Tavares, a children’s book illustrator who believes that “Beauty seduces! It creates affection links between readers and books,”34 Anon., “Victor Tavares.” has provided rich, provocative, exceedingly bright illustrations on almost every page of this retelling. Grendel’s mother, for example, appears as a giant octopus with a talon at the end of each arm and with huge, devouring fangs. Birgit Lönn, a widely published author and translator of children’s books, transforms the text into modern Swedish. Here is the start of her chapter 1 about Heorot:
För länge, länge sedan var Danmark ett land i skräck. Hemska monster strövade över de dimmiga mossarna. Om nätterna skrek de och skränade, ylade och brölade.
Kung i Danmark var en krigsherre som hette Hrodgar. Han vägrade att låta sig skrämmas. Han byggde en jättestor byggnad åt sig själv, högste uppe på ett brant berg och vid utkanten av en stor mosse.
Den uppfördes av det finaste virke och pryddes med elfenben, silver och glittrande guld. Kungen kallade den Heorot.35 Jones and Lönn, Beowulf, pp. 5–6.
Long, long ago, Denmark was a land in terror. Horrible monsters roamed the misty bogs. At night, they screamed and hooted, howled and bellowed.
The king in Denmark was a warlord called Hrothgar. He refused to let himself be scared. He built a huge building for himself, highest up on a steep mountain and at the edge of a big bog.
It was built of the finest wood and adorned with ivory, silver and glittering gold. The king called it Heorot.
In 2022, Bo Gräslund put his archaeological work that we learned about in the previous chapter to work in a revised version of Rudolf Wickberg’s translation of Beowulf. The first change comes in the book’s title. Wickberg’s is Beowulf: En fornengelsk hjältedikt (Beowulf: An OE Heroic Poem); Gräslund’s is Beowulf: En nordisk berättelse från 500-talet (Beowulf: A Nordic Tale from the Sixth Century), which obviously moves the provenance of the poem back from England to Scandinavia, where Gräslund argues the poem originated.36 Gräslund and Wickberg, Beowulf, p. 7. He has modernized Wickberg’s Swedish in regard to word choice, verb forms, and syntax, and he has changed the OE forms of names in Wickberg to the ON forms except for Beowulf. In revising Wickberg’s text, Gräslund has been sensitive to poetic concerns but has always prioritized factual correctness. Most importantly, “Wickberg’s text has also been updated in accordance with the conclusions of my above-mentioned work [Beowulfkvädet: Den nordiska bakgrunden, 2018], as well as with modern archaeological, historical, philological, and religious-historical research in general.” It includes an interpretation of the monsters in the poem, not as fiction, but as reflections of the Nordic reality of extreme famine during the period when the events in the poem take place.37 “Wickbergs text har vidare uppdaterats in enlighet med slutsatserna i mitt ovan nämnda arbete, liksom med modern arkeologisk, historisk, filologisk och religionshistorisk forskning i övrigt.” Ibid., pp. 8–9. Here is a sample of Wickberg’s translation followed by Gräslund’s updating of it. I have italicized the changes in Gräslund’s version. The scene is Beowulf’s departure from Geatland in lines 207–16:
Själv femtonde
Gick han till havsträdet. Den sjökunnige man
Ledde kämparne till landets gräns.
Tiden förrann, farkosten låg på vågorna
Vid bergets fot. Rustade stego
Kämparne uppå stäven: havets strömmar
Böljade mot sanden. Männen buro
I skeppets sköte glänsande smycken,
Ståtliga rustningar, sköto sedan ut
På önskad färd det timrade skeppet.38 Wickberg, Beowulf, p. 22.
Själv femtonde man
gick han till fartyget, den sjövane mannen
ledde kämparna till stranden.
Snart var det tid att ge sig av. Båten låg i vattnet
nedanför Burgen. Väl rustade steg
männen ombord över stäven. Havets
böljor slog mot sanden. I skeppets sköte
lade de glänsande smycken och
praktfulla rustningar, sköt sedan ut
för den avsedda färden.39 Gräslund and Wickberg, Beowulf, pp. 25–26.
Himself the fifteenth
he went to the sea-wood. The sea-savvy man
led the warriors to the land’s edge.
Time passed, the boat lay on the waves
at the mountain’s foot. Armed stepped
the warriors onto the stern: the sea currents
billowed against the sand. The men carried
to the bosom of the ship shining ornaments,
stately armaments; then shoved out
on the desired journey the timbered ship.
Himself the fifteenth man
he went to the ship, the sea-accustomed man
led the warriors to the shore.
Soon it was time to leave. The boat lay in
the water below Burgen. Well armored
stepped aboard over the stern. The sea’s
waves struck the sand. In the ship’s bosom
the laid the shining ornaments and
splendid armaments, then shoved out
on the intended journey.
On his changing vid bergets fot (at the mountain’s foot) to nedanför Burgen (below Burgen) five lines into the text, Gräslund notes that the OE word beorge can refer to Burgen, “the majestic part of the Littorin embankment above Bandlund cove’s northern sandy beach on southeast Gotland.”40 “det mäktiga partiet av Littorinavallen ovanför Bandlundvikens norra sandstrand på sydöstra Gotland.” Ibid., p. 26, note 3.
Gräslund concludes his volume with a useful synopsis of the major findings from his book Beowulfkvädet as well as maps and pictures of relevant archaeological sites.41 Ibid., pp. 152–92. He also gives his answer to the question of whether Beowulf is an OE or Nordic poem:
As transmitted orally in OE, covered with Christian polish, and preserved in writing in OE on a manuscript in England, Beowulf can be called OE literature in a formal sense. But if one bears in mind that the epic was originally created during the Iron Age by proto-Nordic poets in the proto-Nordic language, deals exclusively with a pagan North, not touching England with a single syllable, then Beowulf appears in substance to be a Nordic work of poetry in OE dress.42 “Som muntligt traderad på fornengelska, belagd med kristen polityr och som skriftligt bevarad på fornengelska på ett manuskript i England, kan Beowulf i formell mening kallas för fornengelsk litteratur. Men tar man fasta på att eposet ursprungligen skapades under järnåldern av urnordiska diktare på urnordiskt tungomål, uteslutande handlar om ett hedniskt Norden och inte med en enda stavelse berör England, så framstår Beowulf i allt väsentligt som ett nordiskt diktverk i fornengelsk klädnad.” Ibid., p. 191.
 
1      Amenius, “Gustaf Wilhelm Gumælius.” »
2      Shippey and Haarder, Beowulf, p. 142. »
3      “införlifvat detta enastående diktverk med svenska litteraturen.” Anon., “Rudolf Mauritz Wickberg.” »
4      “som genom åskådlighet, klarhet och precision gör läsandet till ett nöje och en vederkvickelse.” Wickberg, Beowulf, 2nd ed., inside front cover. »
5      Ibid., pp. 5–6. »
6      Ibid., pp. 7–10. »
7      Ibid., pp. 10–13. »
8      Ibid., pp. 13–15. »
9      Ibid., pp. 16–55. »
10      Ibid., pp. 56–76. »
11      Ibid., pp. 77–86. »
12      Ibid., pp. 87–118. »
13      Ekwall, “Erik Björkman.” »
14      Wickberg, Beowulf, 2nd ed., p. 13. »
15      See, e.g., Lindqvist’s “Sutton Hoo and Beowulf.” »
16      Björkman, Beowulf, pp. 463–70. »
17      Ibid., pp. 471–74. »
18      Ibid., pp. 475–501. »
19      Ibid., p. 475. »
20      Knut Hagberg and Bertil Molde respectively. Quoted on the dust jacket on the 1955 issue of the book. »
21      Ross and Stanley, Review of Collinder, p. 110. »
22      “betraktas som kärnfull och snillrik.” “en bildningens jätte som förenade ursvenskheten med omfattande kunskaper om världskulturerna.” Tarkiainen, “Collinder.” »
23      Lindqvist, Beowulf Dissectus, p. 6. »
24      Ibid., p. 5. »
25      Ibid., p. 8. »
26      Herschend, “Striden i Finnsborg.” »
27      Eliot, Complete Poems, p. 52. »
28      Lindqvist, Beowulf Dissectus, p. 9. »
29      Ibid., p. 105. »
30      Ibid., pp. 121–22. »
31      Worley, “Robert Nye.” »
32      Nye, Beowulf, p. 109. »
33      Ibid., p. 15. »
34      Anon., “Victor Tavares.” »
35      Jones and Lönn, Beowulf, pp. 5–6. »
36      Gräslund and Wickberg, Beowulf, p. 7.  »
37      “Wickbergs text har vidare uppdaterats in enlighet med slutsatserna i mitt ovan nämnda arbete, liksom med modern arkeologisk, historisk, filologisk och religionshistorisk forskning i övrigt.” Ibid., pp. 8–9. »
38      Wickberg, Beowulf, p. 22. »
39      Gräslund and Wickberg, Beowulf, pp. 25–26. »
40      “det mäktiga partiet av Littorinavallen ovanför Bandlundvikens norra sandstrand på sydöstra Gotland.” Ibid., p. 26, note 3. »
41      Ibid., pp. 152–92. »
42      “Som muntligt traderad på fornengelska, belagd med kristen polityr och som skriftligt bevarad på fornengelska på ett manuskript i England, kan Beowulf i formell mening kallas för fornengelsk litteratur. Men tar man fasta på att eposet ursprungligen skapades under järnåldern av urnordiska diktare på urnordiskt tungomål, uteslutande handlar om ett hedniskt Norden och inte med en enda stavelse berör England, så framstår Beowulf i allt väsentligt som ett nordiskt diktverk i fornengelsk klädnad.” Ibid., p. 191. »