Glossed Psalters
The Vespasian Psalter
The Vespasian Psalter is the earliest extant witness to the Romanum Psalter, the first of the three Latin translations of the Psalms produced by Jerome in the late fourth century.
1 While the Romanum would remain popular in England beyond the Norman Conquest, it was superseded in Ireland and on the continent by Jerome’s revised version, the Gallicanum, and this is the version printed in all editions of the Vulgate Bible and therefore translated in the Douay-Rheims edition. Both the Romanum and Gallicanum are translated from the Greek. For the third and final revision, the Hebraicum, Jerome went back to the Hebrew source that lies behind the Greek. The Hebraicum was known to some scholars in early medieval England but did not have anything like the impact of the Romanum, which remained the standard text for liturgical use and study. See Sarah Larratt Keefer and David R. Burrows, ‘Hebrew and the Hebraicum in late Anglo-Saxon England’, ASE 19 (1990), 67–80. The Latin text of the Romanum, accompanied by a full-page illustration of King David surrounded by his court musicians (now fol. 30
v), was executed in majuscule uncial script with beautifully decorated initials in the mid-eighth century in the kingdom of Kent, probably at Canterbury, where Augustine had first established his church in 597. In the mid-ninth century, an interlinear Old English gloss in the Mercian dialect was added in insular cursive minuscule script.
2 The manuscript is London, British Library, Cotton MS Vespasian A. I; Ker §203. The standard edition is The Vespasian Psalter, ed. Sherman M. Kuhn (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1967). For a facsimile, see D. H. Wright, ed. Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, XIV: The Vespasian Psalter, British Museum Cotton Vespasian A. I (Copenhagen and London: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1967). The original plan of this Psalter manuscript clearly did not extend to the inclusion of a vernacular gloss, which is squeezed in above the Latin text. The text’s editor, Sherman M. Kuhn, has maintained that the gloss is original to the Vespasian Psalter, but others have argued for its derivation from an earlier, perhaps eighth-century, archetype.
3 Kenneth Sisam, Studies in the History of Old English Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), p. 4 n. 2; Sherman M. Kuhn, ‘The Vespasian Psalter Gloss: Original or Copy?’, PMLA 74 (1959), 161–77. For the argument that the Vespasian gloss is a copy, see esp. Kenneth Sisam, ‘Canterbury, Lichfield, and the Vespasian Psalter’, RES 7 (1956), 1–10 and 113–31; and Phillip Pulsiano, ‘The Originality of the Old English Gloss of the Vespasian Psalter and its Relation to the Gloss of the Junius Psalter’, ASE 25 (1996), 37–62. See further Blom, Glossing the Psalms, pp. 161–4. It seems safest to concur with Phillip Pulsiano that ‘other psalters, perhaps fully glossed psalters, most likely existed, and we should not presume, without clear evidence to the contrary, that the
Vespasian gloss stands as an original and independent production’.
4 Pulsiano, ‘Old English Gloss’, 39. Indeed, one earlier glossed psalter does in fact survive, the Blickling Psalter, a Latin psalter produced in the mid-eighth century to which a partial gloss of twenty-six Old English words was added in red ink in the late eighth or early ninth century.
5 Pierpoint Morgan Library MS M.776; Ker §287. See further Joseph P. McGowen, ‘On the “Red” Blickling Psalter Glosses’, N&Q 54 (2007), 205–7; Roberts, ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, pp. 43–5. Roberts suggests that the Blickling gloss was not part of the original plan for the psalter, but that ‘some early reader added a few translations of words and phrases that had given him pause, using red as a natural means of differentiating his additions from the surrounding text’ (p. 43). Roberts notes that even earlier Old English – and Old Irish – psalm glosses are included in the exegetical catena on Pss 39–151 in Vatican City, MS Pal. lat. 68, fols 1–46 (‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, p. 43 n. 15); Ker §388. While the Vespasian Psalter gloss may not have been the first such Old English biblical translation produced, it nevertheless remains the earliest substantial witness we have to the vibrant tradition of continuous glossing of the entire psalter in early medieval England.
6 For overviews of the glossed psalters, see Toswell, Anglo-Saxon Psalter, pp. 221–82; and Roberts, ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’. The Sisams surmised that hundreds of similar glossed psalters were produced in the period: Celia and Kenneth Sisam, eds, The Salisbury Psalter, EETS o.s. 242 (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 75. It was long believed that the Vespasian Psalter gloss served as a source for all the later Old English psalter glosses, hence its labelling as an ‘A-type’ gloss.
7 The theory that the Vespasian Psalter was the source for all subsequent glosses was first advanced by Albert S. Cook (Biblical Quotations in Old English Prose Writers [London: MacMillan and Co., 1898], p. xxvi). Uno Lindelöf argued that the Junius Psalter gloss (B-type), dating from the early tenth century, is a direct copy of the Vespasian gloss, while the Cambridge Psalter (C) is an eleventh-century copy of the Vespasian Gloss; the tenth-century Regius Psalter gloss (D) served as the source for the twelfth-century Eadwine (or Canterbury) Psalter (E) gloss, as well as the glosses in the Stow (F), Vitellius (G), Tiberius (H), Arundel (J) and Salisbury (K) psalters: Studien zu altenglischen Psalterglossen, Bonner Beiträge zur Anglistik, Heft XIII (Bonn: P. Hanstein, 1904). However, Pulsiano has cautioned against assuming a direct relationship between any of the individual psalter glosses, emphasising that all are copies and that lost intermediaries must have existed.
8 Pulsiano, ‘Old English Gloss’. Nevertheless, the fifteen extant glossed psalters, ranging in date from the ninth to the twelfth centuries, are remarkably consistent in their vocabulary, pointing to a standardised approach to Psalter glossing in this period.
9 Toswell demonstrates that this uniformity of vocabulary extends even to the Metrical Psalms, which frequently employ the same words as the glossed psalters (Anglo-Saxon Psalter, pp. 242–50). On the recent discovery of fragments of another Old English glossed psalter connected with the D-type gloss (Regius), see Thijs Porck, ‘Newly Discovered Pieces of an Old English Glossed Psalter: The Alkmaar Fragments of the N-Psalter’, ASE 49 (2024), 1–66.The interlinear Vespasian Psalter gloss is a good example of what Roberts terms ‘opportunistic’ glossing, whereby a vernacular translation was added to a manuscript which was originally ruled solely for the Latin text. The glossator takes a formal-equivalence or word-for-word approach, carefully following the syntax and wording of the source text and making no attempt to produce readable Old English sentences. As an example of the glossator’s approach, I present below the text of Psalm 3 (fols 12
r–12
v), the first complete Psalm in the manuscript. This short lament psalm comprises eight verses plus the traditional heading associating the psalm with David’s flight from his son Absalom, which is not glossed in the Vespasian Psalter. Although there are traces of patristic influence elsewhere in the Vespasian gloss, in translating Psalm 3, the glossator does not appear to have made use of any of the major interpretations, such as Augustine, for example, who identified this psalm with Christ’s Passion and associated the figure of Absalom with Judas Iscariot.
10 Expositions on the Book of Psalms by Saint Augustine of Hippo, ed. and trans. by A. Cleveland Coxe, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: First Series, Volume VIII (New York: 1888), pp. 4–8. Augustine’s Christological reading of the psalm is echoed by Bede: see Gillingham, A Reception History Commentary on Psalms 1–72, p. 48. On the influence of commentaries on the Vespasian gloss more generally, see Blom, Glossing the Psalms, p. 166. Instead, the translator carefully engages with the wording and grammar of the Romanum Psalter in isolation from such interpretative aids. Whenever a Latin word’s meaning was self-evident – as in the case of personal and place names – the gloss was deemed superfluous and no Old English text supplied.
11 As noted by Roberts, ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, p. 43. First it will be helpful to have the text of the Psalm from the Romanum Psalter, with a modified version of the Douay-Rheims translation of the Vulgate:
12 The standard edition of the Romanum Psalter is Collectanea Biblica Latina x, Le Psautier Romain et les autres anciens psautiers latins, ed. Dom Robert Weber (Rome: Libreria Vaticana, 1953), which uses the Vespasian Psalter as its base text; variant readings in the Gallican Psalter (i.e. the text printed in the Vulgate Bible) are indicated in brackets. For the history of Psalm 3 and its reception, see Susan Gillingham, Psalms Through the Centuries: A Reception History Commentary on Psalms 1–72 (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2018), pp. 47–53.Romanum (from Vespasian Psalter):
III. (1) PSALMUS DAVID CUM FUGERET A FACIE ABESSALON FILII SUI.
1 (2) Domine, quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? Multi insurgunt adversum me.
2 (3) Multi dicunt animae meae, ‘Non est salus illi (Gal.: ipsi) in Deo eius.’
3 (4) Tu autem, Domine, susceptor meus es, gloria mea et exaltans caput meum.
4 (5) Voce mea ad Dominum clamavi, et exaudivit me de monte sancto suo.
5 (6) Ego dormivi et somnum cepi (Gal.: et soporatus sum), et resurrexi (Gal.: exsurrexi) quoniam (Gal.: quia) Dominus, suscepit me.
6 (7) Non timebo milia populi circumdantis me. Exsurge, Domine, salvum me fac, Deus meus,
7 (8) quoniam tu percussisti omnes adversantes mihi sine causa; dentes peccatorum contervisti (Gal.: contrivisti).
8 (9) Domini est salus, et super populum tuum benedictio tua.
[III. 0 (1) [titulus] THE PSALM OF DAVID WHEN HE FLED FROM THE FACE OF HIS SON ABSALOM.
1 (2) Why, O Lord, are they multiplied that afflict me? Many are they who rise up against me.
2 (3) Many say to my soul: ‘There is no salvation for him in his God.’
3 (4) But you, O Lord, are my protector, my glory, and the lifter up of my head.
4 (5) I have cried to the Lord with my voice: and he has heard me from his holy hill.
5 (6) I have slept and taken my rest: and I have risen up, because the Lord has protected me.
6 (7) I will not fear thousands of the people surrounding me: arise, O Lord; save me, O my God.
7 (8) For you have struck all of them who are my adversaries without cause: you have broken the teeth of sinners.
8 (9) Salvation is of the Lord: and your blessing is upon your people.]
~
Figure 1. London, British Library, Cotton MS Vespasian A. I, fol. 12r, ‘Vespasian Psalter: Psalms 2–3’.
~
Figure 2. London, British Library, Cotton MS Vespasian A. I, fol. 12v, ‘Vespasian Psalter: Psalm 3’
The diplomatic transcription supplied below shows how the Old English gloss sits above each individual Latin word in the Vespasian Psalter; abbreviations in the manuscript are retained and discussed below:
Ps. 3: (1) PSALM̄ DAVID CUM FUGERET A FACIE ABESSALON FILII SUI
Ps. 3.1 (2)
dryht̄ | hwet | gemonigfaldade | sindun | ða ðe | swencað | mec |
DÑE | QUID | MULTIPLICATI | SUNT | QUI | TRIBULANT | ME |
3.2 (3)
monge | arisað | wið | me |
MULTI | INSURGUNT | ADUERSUM | ME |
monge | cweoðað | salwle | minre | nis | haelu |
MULTI | DICUNT | ANIMAE | MEAE | NON EST | SALUS |
3.3 (4)
ðu | soðlice | dryht̄ | ondfenge | min | earð | wuldur |
TU | AUTEM | DÑE | SUSCEPTOR | MEUS | ES, | GLORIA |
min | 7 | uphebbende | heafud | min |
MEA | ET | EXALTANS | CAPUT | MEUM |
3.4 (5)
mid id stefne | minre | to | dryht̄ | ic cleopede | 7 | geherde | mec |
UOCE | MEA | AD | DÑM | CLAMAUI | ET | EXAUDIUIT | ME |
of | munte | ðæm halgan | his |
DE | MONTE | SC̄O | SUO |
3.5 (6)
ic | hneappade | 7 | slepan | ongon | 7 | ic eft aras |
EGO | DORMIUI | ET | SOMNUM | COEPI, | ET | RESURREXI |
forðon | dryht̄ | onfeng | mec |
QUONIAM | DÑS | SUSCEPIT | ME |
3.6 (7)
ne | ondredu ic | ðusend | folces | ymsellendes | me |
NON | TIMEBO | MILIA | POPULI | CIRCUMDANTIS | ME |
aris | dryht̄ | halne | me | doa | god | min |
EXURGE | DÑE | SALUUM | ME | FAC | DS̄ | MEUS |
3.7 (8)
forðon | ðu | sloge | alle | wiðerbrocan | me |
QŪM | TU | PERCUSSISTI | OMNES | ADUERSANTES | MIHI |
butan | intingan | toeð | synfulra | ðu forðræstes |
SINE | CAUSA, | DENTES | PECCATORUM | CONTERUISTI. |
3.8 (9)
dryhtnes | is | haelu | 7 | ofer | folc | ðin | bledsung | ðin |
DÑI | EST | SALUS, | ET | SUPER | POPULUM | TUUM | BENEDICTIO | TUA |
The majority of these glosses are substitution glosses in which a single vernacular equivalent lexeme is supplied, though there are some supplement glosses where Latin verbs are expanded through the insertion of a personal pronoun (3.4: CLAMAUI >
ic cleopode; 3.5: RESURREXI >
ic eft aras; 3.6:
TIMEBO >
ondredu ic; 3.7: CONTERUISTI >
ðu forðræstes).
13 For further examples, see Blom, Glossing the Psalms, pp. 164–73. The glossator made numerous copying errors throughout the project, including the misspelling of familiar Old English words, repetitions and omissions, and this passage is no exception.
14 Kuhn attributes these errors to fatigue, rather than ignorance (‘The Vespasian Psalter’, 162). Pulsiano provides a list of errors, including the omission of medial letters, incomplete glosses, dittography, alterations of original readings and false starts, and letter confusion (‘Old English Gloss’, 44–7). One common type of error, noted by Kuhn, occurs when the scribe accidentally began copying out the Latin word before realising the mistake and then switching to Old English midway through the word, thereby producing a garbled linguistic hybrid.
15 Kuhn notes twenty-two examples of this type of copying error (‘The Vespasian Psalter’, 175). Hence, for example, in Psalm 3.8 the glossator initially wrote the meaningless
sælu above the Latin word
SALUS (perhaps thinking of the Old English word
gesælig, ‘blessed’), before correcting it to
hælu (see fig. 2). An example of dittography (the accidental repetition of letters) occurs in the gloss to Ps. 3.4, where the Latin
UOCE is translated as
mid id stefne (fig. 2).
16 Pulsiano notes that other Old English glossed psalters translate the same Latin word as mid stefne (Junius Psalter) or simply stefne (Cambridge Psalter) (‘Old English Gloss’, 45). While glossing Ps. 3.6
CIRCUMDANTIS, the scribe omitted a medial letter
b, writing the otherwise unattested
ymsellendes (fig. 2), where the Junius and Cambridge Psalters have the common form
ymbsellendes/
ymbsyllyndys.
17 Pulsiano includes this example in his list of omissions of medial letters in psalter glosses: ‘Old English Gloss’, 44.Reflecting the practical, pedagogic function of the Vespasian gloss, all poetic or ambiguous diction is strictly avoided. For example, the Latin term
Dominus is rendered consistently with the substitution gloss
drihten in verses 1, 3, 4, 5 and 7, while
Deus is translated as
God in verse 3.5, though in one instance the glossator mistakenly reproduces the abbreviated form of the Latin word, writing
dō above
DŌ (
deo) (Ps. 3.3). Poetic epithets for the deity which occur frequently in the biblical verse paraphrases discussed above, such as ‘Metod’, ‘Frea’, ‘Scyppend’ or ‘heofonrices weard’, are never used.
18 See above, pp. 13–16. The extent to which the gloss is dependent on its ‘host text’ is perhaps best indicated by the fact that some abbreviated words in the Latin text are also abbreviated in the gloss. So, for example, abbreviated forms of the Latin noun
Domine,
DÑE (3.1, 3.6),
DÑUM (3.4)
DÑUS (3.5) are routinely abbreviated as Old English
dryht̄, though in Ps. 3.8 the scribe had space to write the entire Old English word
dryhtnes above
DÑI.The gloss is similarly subservient to the Latin source in terms of syntax, resulting in non-standard Old English word order.
19 As Roberts puts it, the Vespasian glosses ‘cling to the order of the Latin ones’ (‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, p. 43). The classic study of the subject is Bruce Mitchell, Old English Syntax (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985). This syntactical mirroring is most apparent in the replication of Latin possessive constructions that follow the pattern NOUN + PERSONAL PRONOUN: hence Ps. 3.1: IN DEO EIUS >
in deo hire; 3.3: CAPUT MEUM >
heafud min; 3.4: SANCTO SUO >
ðæm halgan his; 3.6: DEUS MEUS >
god min.
20 Kuhn cites examples from the Lorica Prayer (Henry Sweet, ed., The Oldest English Texts, EETS o.s. 83 [London: Trübner and Co., 1885], p. 174) as evidence that the GENITIVE + NOUN construction was preferred in Mercian prose (‘The Vespasian Psalter Gloss’, 163). In his
Letter to Pammachius, Jerome himself had maintained that the word order of the Hebrew Bible was a spiritual ‘mystery’ which should not be altered in a translation.
21 Jerome: Epistulae, ed. Isidor Hilberg, CSEL 54 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), Letter 57.5, p. 508: in interpretatione graecorum absque scripturis sanctis, ubi et uerborum ordo mysterium est, non uerbum e uerbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu (‘in translation from the Greek – except in the case of Sacred Scripture where the very order of the words is a mystery – I render not word for word, but sense for sense’). For a translation, see Lawrence Venuti, ed., The Translation Studies Reader (London: Routledge, 2012), pp. 21–30, at 23. However, as Barton notes, Jerome did not stick to this principle in producing the Vulgate, instead rendering the Hebrew and Greek texts of the Old and New Testament into the word order of contemporary Latin prose.
22 Barton, The Word, pp. 58, 231. For Ælfric’s views on the necessity of changing the syntax of Latin sources when translating into Old English, see below, Chapter Four, pp. 161–4. Stanton traces this idea of ‘literalism’ back to Philo Judaeus, who in the first century B.C. equated the accuracy of the translators of the Septuagint with divine inspiration (Culture of Translation, pp. 107–13). In making no attempt to produce natural English prose and instead replicating the word order of the Latin source, the Vespasian gloss can be termed a foreignising translation rather than a domesticating one, opting for formal rather than functional equivalence.
23 On formal and functional equivalence, and domesticating and foreignising translation, see Prefatory Note above, pp. xii–xiii.For what purpose, then, was the Old English gloss added to the Latin text of the Vespasian Psalter? It will be clear from the examples above that the glossator’s goal was to provide readers of the psalter with a crib to the Latin text rather than a free-standing ‘prose’ translation. The Vespasian Psalter gloss is thus representative of the type of translation which, in Schleiermacher’s phrase, ‘move[s] the reader towards the text rather than the text towards the reader’.
24 F. D. E. Schleiermacher, ‘Über die verschiedenen Methoden des Übersetzens’, transl. Susan Bernovsky as ‘On the Different Methods of Translating’, in The Translation Studies Reader, ed. Lawrence Venuti (London: Routledge, 2004), pp. 43–63; cf. Barton, The Word, p. 57. Given the limited evidence for lay literacy prior to Alfred’s educational reforms in the late ninth century, the implied reader of the Vespasian Psalter and its gloss was probably either a monk or nun, who recited the Latin psalter as the core of the Divine Office. In the Prose Preface to the
Pastoral Care, Alfred offered a damning assessment of the poor state of Latinity in the English Church at the time when he assumed the throne in 871:
Swæ clæne hio wæs oðfeallenu on Angelcynne ðæt swiðe feawa wæron behionan Humbre ðe hiora ðeninga cuðen understondan on Englisc, oððe furðum an ærenendgewrit of Lædene on Englisc areccean; ond ic wene ðætte noht monige begiondan Humbre næren. Swæ feawa hiora wæron ðæt ic furðum anne anlepne ne mæg geðencean be suðan Temese ða ða ic to rice feng.
[So entirely were they (i.e. the religious orders) decayed among the English that there were very few on this side of the Humber who could make sense in English of their services, or translate even one missive from Latin into English; and I expect that there were by no means many beyond the Humber. There were so few of them that I cannot think of even a single one south of the Thames when I came to the throne.]
25 Fulk, ed. and trans., Pastoral Care, pp. 4–5.Although Alfred is probably referring specifically here to poorly educated priests who are unable to explain the meaning of the Latin liturgy (
hiora ðeninga, ‘their services’) in English, in such straitened circumstances monastic readers may also have felt the need to add glosses to the text around which their spiritual lives revolved.
26 See Helmut Gneuss, ‘King Alfred and the History of Anglo-Saxon Libraries’, in Modes of Interpretation in Old English Literature: Essays in Honour of Stanley B. Greenfield, ed. Phyllis Rugg Brown, Georgina Ronan Crampton and Fred C. Robinson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), pp. 29–49. For the argument that Alfred is exaggerating the poor state of learning for rhetorical effect, see Jennifer Morrish, ‘King Alfred’s Letter as a Source on Learning in England’, in Studies in Earlier Old English Prose: Sixteen Original Contributions, ed. Paul E. Szarmach (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1986), pp. 87–108. The practice of glossing psalters in the ninth century may thus have originated from the practical needs of the English Church during a time of existential crisis.
The Cambridge Psalter
In contrast to the ‘opportunistic’ glosses added to existing Latin psalters such as the Vespasian Psalter are the ‘integral’ glosses preserved in manuscripts originally ‘ruled for’ an Old English gloss as well as the Latin text.
27 Roberts, ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, p. 40. In these more ‘competent’ glosses, the translator typically engages thoughtfully with the Latin source rather than translating mechanically, as in the manner of the Vespasian gloss.
28 Evert Wiesenekker, ‘The Vespasian and Junius Psalters Compared: Glossary or Translation?’, Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 40 (1994), 21–39, at 23. Examples include the Royal (Regius) Psalter, in which the D-type gloss is written in the same hand as the Latin text, perhaps for use as a class-book for teaching Latin, and the Lambeth Psalter, which features double I-type glosses that offer the reader alternative translations of a single Latin word, inviting them to reflect on the interpretative possibilities of either translation.
29 Evert Wiesenekker, Word be Worde, Andgit of Andgite: Translation Performance in the Old English Interlinear Glosses of the Vespasian, Regius and Lambeth Psalters (Huizen: Bout, 1991). On connections between the Regius Psalter and the Winchester school of Bishop Æthelwold, see Gretsch, Intellectual Foundations. On the Regius and Lambeth Psalters, see Blom, Glossing the Psalms, pp. 189–204, 209–30. On the Lambeth Psalter, see Samira Lindstedt, ‘Prayer as Performance, c. 1050–1250’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Oxford, 2021), pp. 76–124. In some of these later psalters the gloss attains a degree of independence from the Latin source text: Jane Roberts notes, for example, that the scribe responsible for glossing the Regius Psalter ‘sometimes thinks in phrases’ rather than translating word-by-word.
30 Roberts, ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, p. 49. See further Joseph Crowley, ‘Anglicized Word Order in Old English Continuous Interlinear Glosses in British Library, Royal 2.A.XX’, ASE 29 (2000), 123–51; Mechthild Gretsch, ‘The Junius Psalter Gloss: Tradition and Innovation’, in Edward the Elder 899–924, ed. N. J. Higham and David Hill (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 280–91. Toswell goes a step further in referring to these manuscripts as ‘bilingual psalters’ rather than ‘glossed psalters’, on the grounds that the Old English text has equal status with the Latin on the page, suggesting that in some cases the gloss may even have been read independently as free-standing prose.
31 Toswell, Anglo-Saxon Psalter, pp. 250–82.To test this theory, let us consider another striking example of an integral gloss: the C-type gloss contained in the mid-eleventh-century Cambridge (or Winchcombe) Psalter. In this manuscript, the Old English text, written in red ink and insular minuscule, stands out against the black ink and Caroline minuscule used for the Latin psalm verses (again from the Romanum Psalter) (fig. 3).
32 The Cambridge Psalter is preserved in Cambridge, University Library, MS Ff. 1, 23; Ker §13. Images are viewable online at: https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-FF-00001-00023/1. The text is edited by Karl Wildhagen, Der Cambridger Psalter (Hs. Ff. 1.23 University Libr. Cambridge) zum ersten Male hrsg., mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des lateinischen Textes, von Karl Wildhagen: I. Text mit Erklärungen, Bibliothek der angelsächsischen Prosa vol. 7 (Hamburg: H. Grand, 1910). For discussion, see Toswell, Anglo-Saxon Psalter, pp. 268–74; Roberts, ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Psalters and their Glosses’, pp. 57–60.~
Figure 3. Cambridge, University Library, MS Ff. 1, 23, fol. 7r, ‘Cambridge Psalter: Psalm 3.1–3.7’.
Arguing that Old English rather than Latin was ‘the primary text in this manuscript’, Toswell describes the Cambridge Psalter as ‘a bilingual psalter in every way, almost a kind of double psalter if that were possible with alternate-line texts’.
33 Toswell, Anglo-Saxon Psalter, pp. 273–4. Certainly, the gloss takes up just as much space on the page as the Latin text. However, despite the visual prominence afforded to the gloss, the Old English text in the Cambridge Psalter nevertheless follows the syntax of the Latin, even when this results in unidiomatic constructions akin to those that we observed in the Vespasian gloss (e.g. 3.3: CAPUT MEUM >
heafud min; 3.4: UOCE MEA >
stefne minre). Again, each Old English word is carefully placed above its corresponding Latin source to serve as a substitution gloss, and there are often large gaps where the vernacular text requires less space. Moreover, whereas the Latin always fits within the allocated ruled space, on several occasions, such as on fol. 7
r, the Old English translation outruns the space allocated for the Latin, with the result that the scribe had to squeeze the text into the right-hand margin. It is thus the Latin text, rather than the Old English gloss, which determines the layout of the manuscript page.
In terms of the vocabulary, the only major difference between the Cambridge and Vespasian glosses is dialectal. For example, the Vespasian gloss translates Latin
me in Ps. 3.1 with the
Mercian form
mec, whereas the Cambridge has the late West Saxon
me. Occasionally, words are added to the gloss for the clarification of sense. For example, where Vespasian translates the vocative
Domine in the opening word of Ps. 3.1 as simply
dryht(
en) (abbreviated), the Cambridge
glossator has the exclamatory
eala driht(
en) (‘O Lord’); as we shall see below, the author of the
Prose Psalms makes the same choice.
34 Cf. MS F (Stowe Psalter): eala ðu driht(en). In translating Psalm 3.5,
Ego dormiui et somnum coepi, the Cambridge gloss has
ic slep 7 hnappunge ic onfeng where the Vespasian version glosses the two synonyms for ‘sleep’ the other way round:
ic hneappade 7 slepan ongon.
Like the gloss added to the Vespasian Psalter, the Cambridge Psalter gloss does not function as an independent prose translation but rather serves to ‘guide the reader back to the source text’. These psalter glosses are therefore best viewed not as independent prose texts but rather as what Stanton describes as ‘facsimiles’ of the Latin psalter, ‘the ultimate literal renderings’ of Scripture.
35 Stanton, Culture of Translation, p. 118. Considered together as a group, the interlinear glosses provide important evidence for how English monks and nuns engaged carefully with each individual word of the Latin Psalter. The increasing space allocated to the Old English text in later psalters, and the occasional syntactical independence of gloss from source text, reflect the growing prestige of the vernacular as a language of Scripture in the post-Alfredian period. However, during the Alfredian period an altogether more ambitious, literary prose translation of the Psalms was composed for a very different readership.