Serving in the spirit of the law
With serfdom having all but disappeared in late medieval Provence, wage labour expanded significantly in the course of the fourteenth century, but the central or municipal governments never concerned themselves with comprehensive labour legislation. The earliest known efforts to regulate salaries at the county level were attempted in the midst of the plague epidemic, in August–September 1348, when the Estates General were convened in the royal capital, Aix, at the call of the seneschal of Provence on behalf of Joanna of Anjou, queen of Naples and countess of Provence. The ordinance, though, was never renewed or implemented, as labour regulations were in practice left to local governments, owing in large part to their administrative efficiency and overall political autonomy.1 The Ordinance of 5–6 September 1348 recognized that where communities already had their own customs and usages (‘juxta ordinationem patrie’), local authorities had jurisdiction over prices and salaries, which compromised its universal enforcement. Furthermore, royal accounts yield no fine collections owing to the violation of the ordinance’s provisions: Robert Braid, ‘“Et non ultra”: politiques royales du travail en Europe occidentale au XIVe siècle’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 161 (2003), 470 (notes 127–8), 473. If, as Braid suggests, municipal governments in Provence established wage and price lists prior to 1348 (at 444), they have left no documented traces. Indeed, in the years following the Black Death, Marseille took matters into its own hands. The city council had seemingly deliberated around wages before 1348, for the earliest reference to ‘salary’ in its deliberation registers dates from December 1325, but this was a misnomer. In reality, what the councillors meant by ‘salary’ was the ‘pricing (called salarium in the minutes) of notarial documents and artisans’ wares, which are mentioned in the law code’.2 ‘Super salariis ipsorum notariorum et omnium aliorum artem mecanicam exercentium, de quibus statuta loquentur’: Marseille, Archives Municipales (hereafter AMM), BB 14, fol. 5r (14 December 1325). While the first deliberation register dates from 1319, the series is interrupted between 1340 and 1348, between 1351 and 1357, between 1368 and 1375 and between 1391 and 1400. However, in the wake of the epidemic outbreak in Marseille and in the ensuing decades, wage control – and especially agricultural wages – gained traction. Yet, when the council met on 6 November 1348 to make the labour of ploughmen accessible to other landowners, no specific wages were stated, only the ‘usual ones’ to be remitted in broad daylight under the penalty of the double, while illicit extra earnings would incur a fine of ten librae.3 The new provision allowed ploughmen to cultivate their own lands on Fridays and Saturdays, while the remainder of the week (Sunday excepted) had to be served on others’ estates: AMM, BB20, fol. 54r. It is only in late January 1349 that, in order to restrain ‘fraudulent manoeuvres by agriculturalists’, daily wage figures were provided according to tasks and gender, and capped at four solidi.4 ‘Super conversatione et augmentatione taxe facte agricolis hominibus cultoribus ve laboratoribus ad evitandum fraudes preconceptas et ad sassiandum [sic] ineffrenatam voluntatem ipsorum’: 25 January 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 80v. The ubiquitous term taxa, meaning also ‘tariffs’, refers here to wages. If men could cash up to four solidi in wages, women were limited by law to two solidi, as were male teenagers (garciones), unless the latter knew how to prune vines, in which case they could earn an extra six denarii. Thereafter the municipal government, time and again, attempted to control agricultural labour.5 Renewed injunctions added detail or clarification: for instance, 31 March 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 107r; 19 June 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 155v; 12–14 December 1365, AMM, BB 25, fols 52v–55v; 25 February 1366, AC, BB 25, fols 79r–80r; 7 September 1378, AMM, BB 27, fol. 250r. While it decried repeatedly the labourers’ injusta salaria,6 For instance, during the 1365 harvest season (‘hoc presenti tempore messium excoriare’) the council allowed men to collect seven solidi per diem and women three solidi and four denarii: 9 June 1365, AMM, BB 24, fol. 205r. The following December, however, in an attempt to limit the workers’ ‘effrenatas et excessivas solutiones’, the government struck a commission to reduce both agricultural workers’ and artisans’ wages to their just value – ‘mercedes eorum reduxisse ad equitatem’: 12–14 December 1365, AMM, BB 25, fol. 52v–55v. Years later, another ‘moderate’ adjustment was also deemed necessary to curb ‘unjust salaries’ demanded by agricultural male and female labourers: 7 September 1378, AMM, BB 27, fol. 250r. a deeper concern was to ensure that Marseille’s landowners had unobstructed access to their workforce.7 In particular, the landed elite wanted the city ploughmen to make their labour available ‘to till the estates about Marseille other than their own farmlands’ (ad cultivandum possessiones locate in Massilie … et conducant ad operandum in possessionibus alienis): 26 November 1348, AMM, BB 20, fols 63v–64r; also, 31 March 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 107r; 22 April 1351, AMM, BB 21, fol. 118v; 9 June 1365, AMM, BB 24, fol. 205r–v. But, as with the seneschal of Provence’s Ordinance, there is little evidence for the enforcement of the various injunctions, which, at any rate, never made their way into the city’s statutory law.
What we do know is that employers continued unabated to enter personal agreements at various salary rates with servants. In the spirit of contractual law, workers engaged freely into labour conventions, in writing or not, for a certain period of time against wages and other forms of income. This explains why the local statutory law, officially codified in the middle of the thirteenth century, remains rather terse on labour relations, for only two statutes draw some boundaries constraining the parties involved. The first statute, applicable to any line of work (alicuius operis), forbids employers or employees from violating work conventions without mutual consent or just and reasonable cause.8 In case of violation, a court fine of twenty solidi per day would apply, in addition to damages and interest owed to the wronged party: Régine Pernoud (ed.), Les statuts municipaux de Marseille (Monaco-Paris, 1949), p. 187 (statute 47, book V). The second statute, though, deals specifically with servant–master relations, underscoring the subordinate position of the former vis-à-vis the latter: it explicitly forbids servants from defaulting on their masters for higher wages or on account of corporal correction (unless they were victims of brutal beatings – verbera data atrocia); otherwise they incurred punishment at the hands of the public authorities and, if they had formally pledged an oath of service (juratoria cautio), they would be stripped of all their wages and bonuses and liable to pay any damages sustained by their masters or mistresses.9 Pernoud, Les statuts municipaux, p. 165 (statute 2, book V). The oath-taking was legally binding but not compulsory: in its absence, servants could terminate their contracts freely without penalty, as a judge explained to a master in a lawsuit (14 March 1390, AMM, FF 564, fol. 34v). The covenant holding a servant to their commitment was so morally entrenched that not even religious devotion could excuse it, for time and space belonged to the master for the duration of the contract. In a miracle story recorded in Marseille in 1297, an ailing maid was exceptionally remitted the promise to visit Louis of Anjou’s shrine in exchange for the cure the saint had granted her, on account that ‘she could not fulfil her promise for, as a female servant, she had to stay with her master’.10 ‘Et quia quod promisit reddere non poterat, quia cum domino stabat ut ancilla, reddita autem promissione sancto, tamen curata extitit et sanata, meritis dicti sancti’: Bibliothèque municipale d’Autun, Fonds S 88 (69), Liber miraculorum sancti Ludovici episcopi, fol. 24r (the story can be found in the edited codex, in Analecta Franciscana, vol. VII [Ad Claras Aquas: Quaracchi-Florence, 1951], 313). The master’s control over his servants’ time and mobility already evokes the emerging ‘new type of unfreedom’ characterizing wage labour relations in early modern times: Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Worthy Efforts: Attitudes to Work and Workers in Pre-Industrial Europe (Leiden, 2012), pp. 494–509, esp. pp. 495–7.
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Description: A line graph with two lines. The first indicates the general distribution of labour...
Figure 2.1. Chronological distribution of labour contracts in Marseille, 1248–1400. Sources: Notarial series E, sub-series 351 (registers 2, 13, 17, 25, 27–32, 35, 37–41, 43–6, 48, 50, 52, 54–5, 57, 62, 69–70, 73, 77, 79–80, 87–9, 92, 647), 352 (register 32), 355 (2–11, 13–31, 33, 35, 37, 73, 75–81), 381 (59–60, 69, 76, 79–82) and 391 (11, 22–7, 31): Archives Départementales des Bouches-du-Rhône at Marseille; Notarial registers 1321, 1339, 1343–44, 1348 and 1352: Bibliothèque nationale de France (Paris), Nouvelles Acquisitions Latines, Fonds Mortreuil.
Within these legal parameters, contractual labourers committed to work for fixed-term employment. Although this time frame could fluctuate according to the parties’ preference, the vast majority of agricultural work agreements in Marseille followed a yearly term (75 per cent). While these were concluded in all seasons, the autumn (45 per cent, usually from mid-September to early December) and the early spring months (35 per cent, from mid-February to the end of May) were the busiest hiring periods. Other arrangements – wages, clothing and other extras – depended on the negotiation process between the parties, while the provision of meals, shelter and healthcare (the latter for under-aged workers only) was customarily expected, but not mandatory.11 Francine Michaud, Earning Dignity. Labour Conditions and Relations during the Century of the Black Death in Marseille (Turnhout, 2016), passim.
In the municipal code, the term servientes broadly defined those who laboured as household dependents, regardless of age, gender, marital status, experience or skills.12 The concept in Marseille shares some, but not all, of the characteristics attributed to northern-European servants in the late Middle Ages and early modern period, as seen in recent scholarship: Jane Whittle, ‘Introduction. Servants in the Economy and Society of Rural Europe’, in Jane Whittle (ed.), Servants in Rural Europe 1400–1900 (Woodbridge, 2017), pp. 1–10. In both statutory law and city deliberations, agricultural workers were also generically known as manual workers (operarii), local and foreign (privati et extranei),13 Pernoud, Les statuts municipaux, p. 225 (statute. 48, book V). who engaged in ‘any rustic output or labour’.14 ‘Agricolis hominibus cultoribus et laboratoribus’: 20 January 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 80v. Although these references implied both genders,15 ‘Tam mares quam femine’: 25 January 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 81r. women were confined to seasonal work as day labourers, while males also entered long-term service which,16 Vineyard operations required labour input nearly all year round. See Édouard Baratier, ‘Production et exportation du vin du terroir de Marseille, du XIIIe au XVIe siècle’, Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu’à 1610), 1 (1959), 242. given the salary expenditures involved, prompted many a master to have labour transactions notarised.17 While an unknowable number of work transactions were agreed orally, without writing, their traces occasionally surface in litigation or in written contracts drawn up to extend oral ones. See, for instance, Guillaume Durand, who worked monthly for Pierre de Signes ‘verbo et sine scriptura’ before extending his contract with a notarial act: 11 October 1355, ADBRM, 355 E 8, fol. 29r. Although mostly seasonal, informal agreements could be struck for the longer term: see the case of Guillaume Piché, below note 60. This is why female agricultural output is absent from the present study. Another limitation is that only 160 of the thousand and more labour agreements collected between 1248 and 1400 explicitly yield information on agricultural workers, 98 per cent of which date from the post-plague era (Figure 2.1).18 I found only three agricultural work contracts before 1348. As can be expected, a large number found employment with the propertied urban elites, first and foremost knights (milites), nobles (nobiles) and the gentry (domini). Yet the clear majority of masters belonged to the upper-middling groups of society: legal professionals, ploughmen, merchants and artisans who equally depended on a steady workforce to cultivate their lands.19 Eighty per cent of the collected contracts (128/160) allow for the social identification of masters. In total, labour contracts supported Marseille’s landowners – 88 per cent men and 12 per cent women – who employed long-term, dependable manpower to run their property as smoothly as possible in a time of great uncertainty (Table 2.1).
Table 2.1. Landowners’ social profile, 1248–1400.
Groups
Total
%
Men
Women
Elite
43
34
37
6
Knights & nobles
(30)
(29)
(1)
Domini
(13)
(8)
(5)
Legal professionals
25
19
21
4
Ploughmen
16
12
15
1
Merchants
15
12
15
Artisans
29
23
26
3
Subtotal
128
100
114 (89%)
14 (11%)
Unknown
30
26
4
Institutions
2
1
1
Total
160
141 (88%)
19 (12%)
Sources: As for Figure 2.1.
 
1      The Ordinance of 5–6 September 1348 recognized that where communities already had their own customs and usages (‘juxta ordinationem patrie’), local authorities had jurisdiction over prices and salaries, which compromised its universal enforcement. Furthermore, royal accounts yield no fine collections owing to the violation of the ordinance’s provisions: Robert Braid, ‘“Et non ultra”: politiques royales du travail en Europe occidentale au XIVe siècle’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 161 (2003), 470 (notes 127–8), 473. If, as Braid suggests, municipal governments in Provence established wage and price lists prior to 1348 (at 444), they have left no documented traces. »
2      ‘Super salariis ipsorum notariorum et omnium aliorum artem mecanicam exercentium, de quibus statuta loquentur’: Marseille, Archives Municipales (hereafter AMM), BB 14, fol. 5r (14 December 1325). While the first deliberation register dates from 1319, the series is interrupted between 1340 and 1348, between 1351 and 1357, between 1368 and 1375 and between 1391 and 1400. »
3      The new provision allowed ploughmen to cultivate their own lands on Fridays and Saturdays, while the remainder of the week (Sunday excepted) had to be served on others’ estates: AMM, BB20, fol. 54r. »
4      ‘Super conversatione et augmentatione taxe facte agricolis hominibus cultoribus ve laboratoribus ad evitandum fraudes preconceptas et ad sassiandum [sic] ineffrenatam voluntatem ipsorum’: 25 January 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 80v. The ubiquitous term taxa, meaning also ‘tariffs’, refers here to wages. If men could cash up to four solidi in wages, women were limited by law to two solidi, as were male teenagers (garciones), unless the latter knew how to prune vines, in which case they could earn an extra six denarii»
5      Renewed injunctions added detail or clarification: for instance, 31 March 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 107r; 19 June 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 155v; 12–14 December 1365, AMM, BB 25, fols 52v–55v; 25 February 1366, AC, BB 25, fols 79r–80r; 7 September 1378, AMM, BB 27, fol. 250r. »
6      For instance, during the 1365 harvest season (‘hoc presenti tempore messium excoriare’) the council allowed men to collect seven solidi per diem and women three solidi and four denarii: 9 June 1365, AMM, BB 24, fol. 205r. The following December, however, in an attempt to limit the workers’ ‘effrenatas et excessivas solutiones’, the government struck a commission to reduce both agricultural workers’ and artisans’ wages to their just value – ‘mercedes eorum reduxisse ad equitatem’: 12–14 December 1365, AMM, BB 25, fol. 52v–55v. Years later, another ‘moderate’ adjustment was also deemed necessary to curb ‘unjust salaries’ demanded by agricultural male and female labourers: 7 September 1378, AMM, BB 27, fol. 250r. »
7      In particular, the landed elite wanted the city ploughmen to make their labour available ‘to till the estates about Marseille other than their own farmlands’ (ad cultivandum possessiones locate in Massilie … et conducant ad operandum in possessionibus alienis): 26 November 1348, AMM, BB 20, fols 63v–64r; also, 31 March 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 107r; 22 April 1351, AMM, BB 21, fol. 118v; 9 June 1365, AMM, BB 24, fol. 205r–v. »
8      In case of violation, a court fine of twenty solidi per day would apply, in addition to damages and interest owed to the wronged party: Régine Pernoud (ed.), Les statuts municipaux de Marseille (Monaco-Paris, 1949), p. 187 (statute 47, book V). »
9      Pernoud, Les statuts municipaux, p. 165 (statute 2, book V). The oath-taking was legally binding but not compulsory: in its absence, servants could terminate their contracts freely without penalty, as a judge explained to a master in a lawsuit (14 March 1390, AMM, FF 564, fol. 34v). »
10      ‘Et quia quod promisit reddere non poterat, quia cum domino stabat ut ancilla, reddita autem promissione sancto, tamen curata extitit et sanata, meritis dicti sancti’: Bibliothèque municipale d’Autun, Fonds S 88 (69), Liber miraculorum sancti Ludovici episcopi, fol. 24r (the story can be found in the edited codex, in Analecta Franciscana, vol. VII [Ad Claras Aquas: Quaracchi-Florence, 1951], 313). The master’s control over his servants’ time and mobility already evokes the emerging ‘new type of unfreedom’ characterizing wage labour relations in early modern times: Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Worthy Efforts: Attitudes to Work and Workers in Pre-Industrial Europe (Leiden, 2012), pp. 494–509, esp. pp. 495–7. »
11      Francine Michaud, Earning Dignity. Labour Conditions and Relations during the Century of the Black Death in Marseille (Turnhout, 2016), passim. »
12      The concept in Marseille shares some, but not all, of the characteristics attributed to northern-European servants in the late Middle Ages and early modern period, as seen in recent scholarship: Jane Whittle, ‘Introduction. Servants in the Economy and Society of Rural Europe’, in Jane Whittle (ed.), Servants in Rural Europe 1400–1900 (Woodbridge, 2017), pp. 1–10. »
13      Pernoud, Les statuts municipaux, p. 225 (statute. 48, book V). »
14      ‘Agricolis hominibus cultoribus et laboratoribus’: 20 January 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 80v. »
15      ‘Tam mares quam femine’: 25 January 1349, AMM, BB 20, fol. 81r. »
16      Vineyard operations required labour input nearly all year round. See Édouard Baratier, ‘Production et exportation du vin du terroir de Marseille, du XIIIe au XVIe siècle’, Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu’à 1610), 1 (1959), 242. »
17      While an unknowable number of work transactions were agreed orally, without writing, their traces occasionally surface in litigation or in written contracts drawn up to extend oral ones. See, for instance, Guillaume Durand, who worked monthly for Pierre de Signes ‘verbo et sine scriptura’ before extending his contract with a notarial act: 11 October 1355, ADBRM, 355 E 8, fol. 29r. Although mostly seasonal, informal agreements could be struck for the longer term: see the case of Guillaume Piché, below note 60. »
18      I found only three agricultural work contracts before 1348. »
19      Eighty per cent of the collected contracts (128/160) allow for the social identification of masters. »