Costume as Mystico-Metaphoric Communication in Toni Duruaku’s A Matter of Identity: A Semiotic Analysis

This article explores from a semiotic perspective the symbolism of costume and its aesthetic and semiotic functions in a theatrical production of Toni Duruaku’s play, A Matter of Identity, which was presented as the finale of the 2010 Convocation of Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria by Heritage Theatre Network, Owerri, an organization founded by the playwright and focused on African theatre, hybrid drama modelling, culture, and the translation of drama in English into Igbo.

All the costumes used in this production (apart from those of the ancestral spirits) were designed and produced by the author of this article in her capacity as Costumier for the production.

Directed by Duruaku himself, this mythical metaphoric play depicts an imaginary postcolonial community, Umukwenu. Unable and/or unwilling to preserve, develop, and uphold its indigenous cultural identity, Umukwenu is on the verge of cultural death. The community has rejected its own cultural values, and has, instead, chosen ‘wholesale adoption’ rather than ‘adaptation’ (Duruaku 54), of a foreign culture, with disastrous consequences. This theme is a metaphor for contemporary Igbo society, in which the foreign often seems to be considered better than the indigenous, to the detriment of the traditional societal values which form the bases of meaningful life in the communities.

Umukwenu is preparing for the annual Festival of the Rising Moon, which is a celebration of life, development, and communal successes. However, the preparations are brought to an abrupt halt by a message from the Oracle that the festival must not be held, for the consequences would be dire. The only remedy to the situation is to send special emissaries into the Never-Never Land of the Ancestors to seek for absolution, purification, and instructions on what the community can do to ensure positive change. The two – a boy, Okoli and a girl, Nkechi – who meet the requirements for this task, are sent into the Never-Never Land to consult the ancestral spirits Eké, Óriè, Àfò, and Nkwo. They undergo the judgement of the Ancestors as scapegoats for the entire community, and are found guilty. Nevertheless, they return safely to relay the commands of the Ancestors to the leaders of the four clans that make up the community. Unfortunately, the clan leaders, Ntagbu, Obiocha, Ocheze, and Mbagwu, lack the will to take positive and conclusive action. There is no resolution. The play, which begins with a scene of panic, ends with the same scene of panic and trepidation.

A theatre performance is largely ephemeral and not easily captured for posterity (Ubersfeld, Reading Theatre xxii). For this reason, each stage presentation, even of the same play, is more or less unique. It therefore becomes necessary to consider how various aspects of theatre performance may be systematically documented for archiving and retrieval purposes, but more so in order to make them easily accessible to students and practitioners of theatre. An effective documentation and archival is one that is not only robust and can be retrieved for new uses, but one that views both processes from the perspectives of their potential contributions to the history of and innovations to practice, both traditional and contemporary. It is hoped that this study will contribute to the documentation and analysis of stage costuming principles and techniques within Igbo symbolism. It is also hoped that the study will contribute to an increase in the awareness of the semiosis of costume among theatre practitioners, and students especially, and highlight the function of costume as a communicative tool in theatre in education in African performance discourse. Finally, it is hoped that the study will provide a basis for further research into the semiosis of costume in traditional and contemporary African performance and theatre.

The semiotic analysis of costume in this stage production of A Matter of Identity derives from the structural linguistic model proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure; namely, semiotics, which is generally considered to be the study of signs and meaning. Its basic notions are the sign and the symbol. In terms of Saussure’s model, a sign is regarded as anything that stands for something else. Signs are dyadic, and are composed of a signifier, which is the form that the sign takes, and the signified, which is the mental concept that the sign represents (Littlejohn & Foss, Theories of Human Communication 35).

Semiotics studies the sign systems and codes that operate within a medium, genre, or society, and the texts and messages that are produced by them. A theatre performance is an audio-visual text. Within the context of this study, text refers to ‘an assemblage of signs constructed (and interpreted) with reference to the conventions associated with a genre, and in a particular medium of communication’ (Chandler, Semiotics for Beginners 9); the genre in this case being theatrical performance, and the medium, the three-dimensional visual code of communication in which costume is presented. The study is concerned with a semantic analysis of the costumic sign system in the aforementioned stage performance, which entails the identification and description of the principal semantic units, and determination of the types of meaning created. Basically, two types of meaning, denotational and connotational, are involved (Chandler, Beginners 89).

The denotation of a costume is its principal or literal meaning, a meaning that is closely related to the story line and usually transparent to the audience. For instance, grey tints in the hair and age lines on the face are an obvious indication that a character is aged. Connotation on the other hand, refers to a secondary or implied and associated meaning. It is the meaning assigned to a sign/symbol on the basis of the socio-cultural and personal associations that arise in the process of decoding a text (Ubersfeld 16). Such associations are a product of the values and conventions that operate within the society to which the actors and their audience belong, in addition to the codes to which they have had access (Elam 7). An example from the text is the ọfo, a wand carried by the ancestral spirit Àfò. This is an element of costume in the text, but it additionally symbolizes the high value assigned to justice, fair play, and sincerity in the Igbo world view (Ajaebili et al. ‘Ọfo: The Tangible and Intangible Heritage of the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria’ 105).

The semantic analysis of this text follows a structural approach, whereby the constituent units in the sign system are identified, and the connotations in the use of the symbols highlighted. There are numerous costumic signs in the text, but the study is focused on those that are considered most important. These are presented and discussed below.

In the same vein, the simple contemporary costumes of the characters Nkechi, Okoli, and the other village youths denote their roles as daughters and sons of Umukwenu. These roles are transformed into those of ritual intermediaries and acolytes with the change into costumes of the same rough jute fabric as those of the ancestral spirits. This costume change brings the roles of these characters into sharp contrast: first, in their individualism, and later, in their collectivism as representatives of the endangered present and future generations.

In line with Elam (7), Nkechi’s and Okoli’s costume change is indicative of more than a shift in character role. The change from the simple contemporary costumes that symbolize their ordinary life, into their ritual costumes and body masks, is an indication of their entry into the realm of the supernatural. As they enter into the rituals that open the way into the Never-Never Land of the Ancestors, Nkechi and Okoli become separated from the ordinary concerns of life in the community. To make that journey, their bodies are masked with a mixture of white clay and water, thereby signifying that they are required to interact with spirits. This is a protective device against any negative supernatural influence they may encounter during their interaction with the different forces of the universe (Amankulor, ‘Masks as an Instrument for Dramatic Characterisation in Traditional Igbo Society’ 56). They are garlanded at waist, ankle, forearm, and forehead with tender yellow palm fronds, and the acolytes who guard their sleeping bodies hold tender palm leaves between their lips, signifying their apartness, purity, and sacredness, and the sense of danger that surrounds them (Olumati, ‘“Omu Ngwo” (Omu-Furled – Tender Palm Frond) Symbology in Ikwerre, Rivers State’ 227). Thus, the acolytes are completely immersed in the ritual, completely separated from the rest of the clan. They do not speak, and may not be spoken to. Furthermore, in this symbolism, the palm fronds ensure that Nkechi’s and Okoli’s sleeping bodies remain undisturbed, so that they can return safely into them at the end of the journey to the ancestral realm.

After Nkechi’s and Okoli’s ordeal in the land of the Ancestors and upon their return to the community, they and the acolytes reappear in contemporary costumes. The girls appear in simple frocks, and the boys in t-shirts and shorts or trousers. Again, the significance of this reversion to contemporary costume goes beyond characterization; it symbolizes the quintessence of the community’s dislocation from its roots. The lessons of the Ancestors have not been learned.

According to Amankulor (52), in addition to body painting, a mask may consist of a head-piece designed to be worn on top of the head; a face mask, or a full body mask made from cloth, leaves or other plant material. The costumes of the Ancestors, Eké, Óriè, Àfò, and Nkwo in the production are full body masks covering the face and entire body, including the hands and feet of the wearers. Made from jute fibre fabric, these masks in addition to the accessories; namely, the iron ceremonial staffs (ójì) they carry, the branches of the sacred plants ábtoshi and ògírìshì held by Eké and Nkwo respectively, the ikeǹgà staff held by Óriè, and the ọfo wand held by Àfò, denote the characters of the Ancestors in the performance.

On the connotational level, these masks are representations of the ancestral spirits of the Igbo traditional market days, which are themselves symbols of the communal life of the people. Primarily, these costumes call into focus the communal identity of the clan. Secondly, they introduce and reinforce the metaphysical and ritual importance of what the community is required to do in order to survive into an unfettered and balanced future. Furthermore, several elements of their costumes hold deep cultural or esoteric meanings. The branches of Aboshi and Ògírìshì, held by Eké and Nkw respectively, are symbols of sacredness. Ìkeǹgà, held by Óriè, symbolizes the high value of industry among the Igbo, and ọfo , held by Àfò, symbolizes the importance of sincerity and justice in Igbo world view (Ajaebili et al. 109).

However, the colours white and red are also deeply symbolic in the text. According to Jell-Bahlsen (The Water Goddess in Igbo Cosmology: Ogbuide of Oguta Lake 219, 222), white in Igbo colour symbolism is female, cool, and balanced, a symbol of purity, fluidity and fecundity. It also symbolizes ‘communication across the worlds of humans and spirits’ (217). White clay (kaolin) is liberally used as makeup for the group of characters comprising the emissaries to the spirit realm, the Chief of Rituals, the other ritual leaders, and the acolytes working with them. It encircles the Chief of Ritual’s left eye and marks his forehead, the seat of his destiny, thereby signalling his supernatural power, and his ability to communicate with supernatural beings (Jell-Bahlsen 219; Eze & Akas 28). It is used as a full body mask for Nkechi and Okoli. The acolytes who support them during the ritual are also painted with ritual designs in kaolin over every exposed area of their body. This signals their purity, chastity and involvement with the world of spirits (Amankulor 56; Jell-Bahlsen 217, 218, 220).

On the other hand, the colour red is male, hot, aggressive and dangerous. It represents physical energy and the life force (Jell-Bahlsen 222). Jell-Bahlsen recognizes dualism in the colours red and white in Igbo culture. She notes that these two colours are combined in the worship of the land and water deities of the Igbo, in recognition of the need for dual gender and balance in the cosmos (222). The contrasting colours, red and white, combined in the costume of the Chief of Rituals, symbolize initiation into mysterious rites of passage, and the need for male and female partnership in procreation and for the progress and development of the community (222).

The general colour scheme in the production is sombre, however. This is seen throughout the play, and sets the tragic tone of the production, which is sustained by the dark colour of the dance costume during the ritual dance in preparation for the journey into the ancestral realm.

This study reveals that, in the text, connotations are more numerous and more marked than denotations. In fact, there are few purely denotational meanings in this text. Even those signifieds that seem most transparent can be assigned secondary or connotational meaning in addition to their denotational meanings. The evidence from the analysis of these costumes, colour schemes, and props as purveyors of meaning in theatrical communication suggests that the connotational meaning of a sign usually becomes more important than its denotational meaning; and that the meanings of costumic signs, being culture-specific and conventional, are essentially, connotational.

The study reveals that most of the signs in this text are polysemic (Chandler, Semiotics: The Basics 138). The costumes of the clan leaders, for instance, have multiple signifieds. They signify the specific cultural and geographic setting. They also signify high socio-economic status, power, and authority. Again, the colour white, as in the white body wraps and painted body masks, variously signifies supernatural power, spirit involvement, purity, chastity, apartness, and sacredness. These significations in each case may be connotative, denotative, or even a mix of the two types of meaning.

The study further reveals, in line with Ubersfeld (20) and Chandler (Beginners 114, 123), that the cultural code is the most important code driving this text, in addition to the visual sub-code. The messages embedded in the costumes are coded on the basis of the visual culture of an indigenous Igbo society, the environment in which the production is set and performed. Consequently, the text may seem transparent because the audience knows how to read it, since the signs carry familiar cultural connotations in their real lives. For instance, the white clay makeup around the left eye of the Chief of Rituals would signify more than an adornment for the audience within the Igbo cultural milieu. Its connotations would include spirit involvement and danger. Thus, costume designers encode costumic signs on the basis of cultural codes, and audiences decode them on the same basis, and on the bases of age, gender, and ethnicity (Chandler, Beginners 129). A sign such as the above would, therefore, be transparent to most members of Igbo society, on which the performance is based, but perhaps not to members of a society whose members are not familiar with the conventions of Igbo society. It is even possible that this sign would be opaque to some younger members of the audience, though they may be of Igbo extraction. In other words, if the encoder and the interpreter have not had access to the same or similar cultural codes, certain signs would be meaningless on the connotational level.

This article has attempted a semiotic analysis of costume in a 2010 stage production of Duruaku’s metaphoric play A Matter of Identity. It has provided a detailed description of the principal costumic signs, and determined their meanings in terms of their denotations and connotations. It has also attempted to establish how the symbols identified make sense within the Igbo socio-cultural tradition. In so doing, an attempt has been made to analyse how each of the costumic elements communicates information symbolically.

The article postulates that the symbolic information communicated by the combinations of the costumic elements in this production signifies and represents an assemblage of the human, natural, and metaphysical forces that attend or are represented in ritual performances, in particular (Ukaegbu, The Composite Scene: The Aesthetics of Igbo Mask Theatre 79). The gathering of these distinct forces of the Igbo cosmos may be regarded as a valuable component in the celebration, reinforcement, negotiation, and re-structuring of the social and sacred identities of any traditional Igbo community, as Duruaku’s dramatic text argues. This was the focus of the production. Thus, costume was crucial not only in the making and communication of meaning; it was the frame through which character and cultural signification were threaded into a metaphorical statement.

Clearly, this semiotic analysis reveals the need for in-depth study of costume from the perspectives of the diverse traditions and cultures of the indigenous communities of Nigeria, and of Africa as a whole. This would enable costume designers and students of costume design to observe the vestimentary conventions, norms, and realities of the particular cultures within which they are working. Although some of the costuming and design concepts of Igbo performance traditions are in danger of being lost, very little is being done to document and archive them for pedagogy and practice. This article therefore recommends further research into costumic sign systems, in order to develop a rich basis for the teaching and learning of this technical aspect of theatre from a practical standpoint.