Covert Actions from the Underground
These everyday semi-public and public acts of confrontation and resistance in the literary sphere sat alongside (and were often in support of) the artistic and intellectual resistance within the alternative literary scene. The underground production and circulation of forbidden literature and essays was inspired by the culture of samizdat—“a mass phenomenon in the later decades of the Soviet Union, during the years under Brezhnev commonly referred to as Stagnation (Zastoi).”1Von Zitzewitz, The Culture of Samizdat. Samizdat provided important channels for asserting intellectual and artistic freedom as acts of resistance, creating an “Ersatzöffentlichkeit” (alternative public sphere) under socialism. Samizdat, which in Russian literally means “self-published” or “self-publishing house,” is the publishing or distribution of printed works without official authorisation and bypassing the control of state censorship authorities. Hundreds of small magazines and art journals—especially in the Prenzlauer Berg—were produced, circumventing the censorship of the GDR state.
Artistic production and activities in the underground literary scenes were intentionally hidden from the broader public to target small, alternative audiences. As the editors of Mikado explained in the foreword to a collection of texts from their journal, published in West Germany in 1988: “wir wollten einfach eine andere Öffentlichkeit, die die Worte des Einzelnen bündelt, gegen—und miteinander sprechen läßt” (we simply wanted a different kind of public sphere, one that bundles the words of the individual and allows them to speak against and with each other).2Kolbe, Trolle, and Wagner, “Mikado 1–12,” 9. Emphasis in original. In this way, the editors and authors of samizdat works assumed they would find suitable readers who would grasp and value their writings, especially owing to their shared experiences and points of reference. We discuss the importance of situated readership and its relationship to knowledge further, alongside analysis of samizdat work, in chapter 4.
It took considerable courage—even for established regime-critical writers—to circumvent state censorship, given their situated (and imperfect) knowledge of Stasi surveillance. Kolbe noted that one very established writer declined the invitation to contribute to Mikado because of what Kolbe termed “Stasiangst” (Stasi fear): “Und da, also, ganz konspirativ bei ihm und so, und der hatte, es war deutlich, also er hatte so Stasiangst, ja, aber das hatten alle! Das ist ja, es gibt ja immer wieder diese Beispiele, dass Leute bei Gesprächen das Radio eingeschaltet haben” (and there, so, quite conspiratorial with him and so on, and he had, it was clear, so he was so afraid of the Stasi, yes, but everyone was! That’s, there are always these examples of people switching on the radio during conversations).3Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. According to Kolbe, the same writer warned him about the political and reputational risks that such underground publishing might have: “Also, er ging dann mit mir auch aus der Wohnung raus, ins Treppenhaus und sagte: … ‘entweder ihr kriegt richtig Ärger, sie verbieten’s und stecken euch ins Gefängnis oder was, oder sie [d.h. andere] sagen, ihr seid doch sowieso von der Stasi’” (so he took me out of the apartment, into the stairwell and said: … either you’ll get into real trouble, they’ll ban it and put you in prison or something, or they [i.e., others] will just say you must be from the Stasi anyhow).4Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. Although he agreed with this argumentation, at least in retrospect, Kolbe recalled being disappointed at the colleague’s response, but nonetheless vowed to persist with the Mikado project: “Und dann habe ich gesagt: ‘Na ja, Gott. Schade, aber wir machen weiter’” (and then I said: “oh well, my God. Pity, but we’ll persist”).5Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. In Kolbe’s recollection, he and his co-editors were prepared to meet the potential backlash, whether directly from the Stasi or another state ministry, with open protest and felt that they had a kind of “dreifacher Schutz” (three-way protection) given their own respective positions as a writer already published in the West (Kolbe), a member of the official GDR Writers’ Union (Wagner), and a member of the Verein der Verfolgten des Naziregimes (Association of the Victims of the Nazi Regime, Lothar Trolle).6Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. They were willing, if necessary, to make their covert resistance overt.
The cultural underground scene thus provided space to take action and counter-surveil in the most literal sense of the term “sousveillance” which derives from the French words for “sous” (below) and “veiller” (to watch). Coined by Steve Mann in 1998, the term sousveillance (watching from below), which emerged as an antipode to surveillance (watching from above), is a form of “reflectionism” meant to describe “a philosophy and procedures of using technology to mirror and confront bureaucratic organizations.”7Mann, Nolan, and Wellman, “Sousveillance,” 332–33. As Mann, Nolan, and Wellman elaborate further:
Reflectionism becomes sousveillance when it is applied to individuals using tools to observe the organizational observer. Sousveillance focuses on enhancing the ability of people to access and collect data about their surveillance and to neutralize surveillance. As a form of personal space protection, it resonates with Gary Marx’s (2003) proposal to resist surveillance through non-compliance and interference “moves” that block, distort, mask, refuse, and counter-surveil the collection of information.8Mann, Nolan, and Wellman, “Sousveillance,” 333.
The artistic underground scene naturally lacked the technological advancements that Mann’s notion of “sousveillance” includes. However, the political actions taken to circumvent SED censorship for artistic production—which required countersurveillance—resonate with this concept. In that sense, “sousveillance” can be understood as “surveillance from below,” that is, an inverse panopticon where dissident GDR citizens attempted to outwit the Stasi for the sake of artistic freedom—and they did so based on the intuitive and situated knowledge they held about the secret police. Watching back from the underground is different from the direct confrontations seen in the examples of countersurveillance described above; it was a subversive way to challenge authority and reclaim artistic and intellectual autonomy.
For example, after her release from prison, Gabriele Stötzer moved in underground artistic circles and women’s groups, and employed both conspicuous and inconspicuous strategies to deal with ongoing state surveillance. Frequently, Stötzer played on the fear of revelation as a method of countersurveillance. She made contact with the prominent writer Christa Wolf and spoke openly about this connection, drawing on the knowledge that the state would be less likely to enact openly repressive measures against authors famous in the West. In the interview with Windsor, Stötzer recalls:
Oder ich hab gesagt: “Ich kenn Christa Wolf.” Damit die Stasi’n bisschen Schiss hat wen ich alle kenne, die Westbeziehungen hatten, weil das war wichtig, wenn du jemanden im Westen hattest und das wurde da publik gemacht, dann warste auch geschützt.9Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021.
[Or I said: “I know Christa Wolf.” So that the Stasi would be a bit scared about who I knew who had relationships in the West, because that was important, if you had someone in the West and it was made public, then you were also protected.]
When she and her acquaintances organised underground exhibitions or readings, they talked openly about them so that word got around, and the Stasi had to think twice about intervening and making their interference apparent. In the interview with Windsor, Stötzer refers to this as “Flucht in die Öffentlichkeit” (escape into the public sphere). Stötzer describes this interweaving of openness and secrecy as a kind of game that they played with the Stasi:
wir haben auch damit gespielt. Zum Beispiel bei den Pleinairs, da haben die immer verboten, dann haben wir heimlich eingeladen, dann haben wir doch’n Pleinair gemacht, ein Jahr. Beim zweiten, beim dritten Mal, dann haben die Stasi dann Sascha Anderson ein­gesetzt, weil ein Jahr haben wir Pleinair gemacht, da haben wir das öffentlich ausgestellt. Das zweite Jahr war verboten, da haben wir die Leute hintenrum eingeladen. Haben doch’n Pleinair gemacht, haben es aber nicht mehr offiziell, sondern privat als Fest gemacht oder irgendwas.10Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021.
[but we also played with it. For example, at the plein-airs, they always banned it, then we secretly invited people, then we did a plein-air after all, one year. The second, third time, the Stasi appointed Sascha Anderson, because one year we did plein-airs, we exhibited them publicly. The second year was forbidden, so we invited people in the backdoor. We still did a plein-air, but we didn’t do it officially anymore, we did it privately as a party or something.]
In this way, they use the power of revelation—that is widespread knowledge about the event—to make it difficult for the state to ban the activity. The Stasi respond by covertly infiltrating the plein-air using an IM about whom very few had any suspicions (or intuitions) that he might be working with the Stasi and ultimately banning it. The critical artists respond by moving to “secret” invitations and a private—covert—party: no longer official, but very likely (given the presence of Anderson) nonetheless known to the MfS.
Other strategies were more covert from the start. According to the Stasi files, Stötzer organised her own unofficial observation of an underground art studio in Erfurt to make sure that it was secure as a meeting point. This countersurveillance is documented by an IM with the code name “Lutz Müller” and is worth citing at some length:
Bewußtseinsmäßig entwickelt sich die Kachold [Stötzer’s name at the time] Bestrebungen … ein neues “Zentrum” zu schaffen. Diese Aktivitäten sind jedoch gleichzeitig verbunden mit einem gewissen Verfolgungswahn, der selbst anderen Szenenmitgliedern auffällt. So berichtete K., daß bei einem Ausräumen der ehemaligen Wohnung … auf der gegenüberliegenden Seite der Straße ein Mann von der Stasi gestanden hätte und diese Maßnahmen beobachtet hätte … Zur Gewährleistung einer hohen Sicherheit im Zusammenhang mit der P[ergamentergasse] 41 zukünftig gedachten Rolle wurde durch die K. im Zusammenwirken mit dem [redacted] eine Beobachtung der P41 organisiert. Diese Beobachtungsmaßnahmen wurden von einer als Kohlenarbeiter tätigen Person in der ersten Etage des Nachbargrundstückes wohnhaft sowie von einer mir zur Zeit noch unbekannten Person auf der gegenüberliegenden Straßenseite getätigt und sollen bis ca Ende September durchgeführt werden.11Report by IM “Lutz Müller” in OV “Toxin,” dated September 10, 1982.
[Kachold [Stötzer’s name at time] consciously develops efforts to create … a new “centre.” At the same time, however, these activities are associated with a certain persecution mania that even other members of the scene notice. K. reported that during a clear-out of the former flat … a man from the Stasi had been standing on the opposite side of the street and had observed these measures …To ensure a high level of security in connection with P[ergamentergasse] 41 in the future, K. organised observation of P41 in cooperation with [redacted]. These observation measures were carried out by a person working as a coal miner who lives on the first floor of the neighbouring property and by a person on the opposite side of the street, who is still unknown to me at the moment, and are to be carried out until around the end of September.]
As in the case of Fühmann and Schlesinger, the IM here interprets Stötzer’s actions as being driven by a state of paranoia. A state that was deliberately evoked by the Stasi among GDR citizens, particularly in the context of Zersetzung, but which is described here (as in the case of Fühmann and Schlesinger) as an unfounded mental overreaction of the individuals being observed. Stötzer’s response is to adopt covert methods that are reminiscent of those used by the Stasi: quite literally a form of countersurveillance.
Indeed, the knowledge that they were being observed by the Stasi—a knowledge gained through intuition and direct encounter—did not only provoke confrontational responses. These writers and authors also sought to conceal their potentially subversive actions from the secret police, avoiding conspicuous behaviour and adhering to stated rules in order not to attract attention. For example, Stötzer reveals the following about the Erfurt underground scene:
Wir standen immer mit dem einen Fuß im Knast und das wussten wir alle. Wir wussten alle, dass es den Asozialenparagraphen gibt. Es sind viele Leute immer mal von uns weggegangen, die waren im Gefängnis, die kamen wieder raus … Aber ich wusste eben, was man nicht machen darf. Also, ich hab nie mehr in der Straßenbahn beschissen. Weißte, alles was kriminell war: du darfst keine Schulden haben, du musst deinen Strom bezahlen, das, das, das. Du darfst bestimmte Sachen, die unter Asozialität fallen, die dürfen nicht passieren, ja?12Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021.
[We always had one foot in jail and we all knew that. We all knew that there was an antisocial clause. A lot of people left us from time to time, they were in prison, they got out again … But I just knew what you weren’t allowed to do. So, I never cheated on the tram again. You know, everything that was criminal: you’re not allowed to have debts, you have to pay your electricity, this, this, this. You’re not allowed to do certain things that fall under antisocial behavior, right?]
She recalls helping a friend pay her electricity bill so that she would not attract the authorities’ attention for such so-called “asocial” behaviour.13Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021. What we see here is the diverse ways in which revelation and secrecy were interwoven not only in the actions of the secret police, but also in those who they observed. Stötzer uses her knowledge of the Stasi (much of it gained through direct confrontation) to make strategic decisions on when to deploy openness as a tactic and when to use secrecy or even public conformity to keep herself and those around her safe.
 
1     Von Zitzewitz, The Culture of Samizdat»
2     Kolbe, Trolle, and Wagner, “Mikado 1–12,” 9. Emphasis in original. »
3     Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. »
4     Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. »
5     Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. »
6     Interview with Uwe Kolbe, June 1, 2021. »
7     Mann, Nolan, and Wellman, “Sousveillance,” 332–33. »
8     Mann, Nolan, and Wellman, “Sousveillance,” 333. »
9     Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021. »
10     Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021. »
11     Report by IM “Lutz Müller” in OV “Toxin,” dated September 10, 1982. »
12     Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021. »
13     Interview with Gabriele Stötzer, June 14, 2021. »