Walter Scott
In the correspondence that has been preserved, we find Berlioz’s first mention of Walter Scott in a letter to his sister Adèle from the winter of 1825, in which he suggests that their sister Nanci, visiting the Veyron family domain in Pointières, eight kilometers from La Côte-Saint-André, must be enjoying their château: “The view is magnificent, there is a little bit of Walter Scott in it […].”1 CG 1:80. This letter is undated; Pierre Citron logically assigned it to 1825, one year before Berlioz began working in earnest on an opéra-comique, on a libretto by Léon Compaignon entitled Richard en Palestine, which is based on Scott’s The Talisman. Although he was initially very enthusiastic about the project—there are three little-known notebooks, in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, filled with sketches for the opera in the hands of both Compaignon and Berlioz—the composer gradually became disenchanted with his collaborator’s rendering of the libretto, and by February 1827, when Les Francs-Juges, with Humbert Ferrand, was occupying much of his time, he simply let it go. (Ferrand was then sketching yet another libretto, on Robin Hood, based of course on Scott’s Ivanhoe of 1819, first translated into French in 1820.)2 CG 1:177n. At the moment, Scott, in Berlioz’s mind, was a rich vein to be mined.3 CG 1:121n. In fact, in September 1827, the Théâtre de l’Odéon put on an Ivanhoé on a libretto by Émile Deschamps and Gustave de Wailly that was set to various snippets of music by Rossini. This put an end to whatever Robin Hood collaboration Berlioz and Ferrand had in mind.
On June 4, 1827, Berlioz complained to his twenty-year-old sister Nanci: “You never speak to me about what you are reading; I think well enough of you to suppose that you know by heart your Walter Scott, that giant of English literature; but Cooper, do you know Cooper, the American Walter Scott?”4 CG 1:155. There are one hundred ninety-six pages on Scott in the catalogue of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France; these list hundreds of Scott’s publications, many in English, that were brought out in France during the Scottish writer’s lifetime. It would seem that the first of his novels to be translated was Guy Mannering, published in English 1815 and translated immediately, in 1816, by a gentleman whose name will sound familiar, Joseph Martin. This, however, is not the army officer Joseph Martin, who fathered Berlioz’s second wife, Marie-Geneviève Martin, whom we know as Marie Recio. In chapter 57 of the Mémoires, Berlioz imitates the schoolmaster Dominie Samson’s many-times repeated word, “prodigious”—which proves that he did indeed read Guy Mannering.5 Mémoires, 753. The second Scott novel to be translated was The Antiquary of 1816; it was rendered into French in 1817 by Sophie de Maraise, a novelist in her own right. The third was Rob Roy (1817), translated in 1818 by Auguste-Jean-Baptiste Defauconpret. Defauconpret would go on to translate the complete works: his “complete” Scott, many times reissued, began to appear in 1820, one year before Berlioz departed for Paris from the family home in La Côte-Saint-André.
The Talisman, published in English in 1825, is a novel Berlioz must have read later that year, as soon as it appeared in French (as Le Talisman, ou Richard en Palestine) since he was almost immediately involved with the opéra-comique I have mentioned—whose French title, we note, comes from the subtitle of the French translation; in the Furne edition of 1830, the title is Richard en Palestine, the subtitle, Le Talisman. (The English edition had only the single title.) The first translation, by Defauconpret, was published in Paris by a man whose business became very famous when he began to bring out the works of Balzac and Victor Hugo. In fact, between 1822 and 1830, Charles Gosselin would bring out a nearly complete edition of the works of Scott in sixty compact volumes, whose contents (substituting the original English titles for the French while following the occasionally gapped numbering in the catalogue of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France) are as follows:
1. The Lay of the Last Minstrel; Marmion; Search After Happiness
2. The Lady of the Lake; Rokeby; Harold the Dauntless
3. The Lord of the Isles; The Bridal of Triermain; The Vision of Don Roderick; The Field of Waterloo; The Dance of Death; Thomas the Rhymer
4–5. Waverley
6–7. Guy Mannering
8–9. The Antiquary
10–11. Rob Roy
12. Tales of My Landlord (The Black Dwarf; Old Mortality 1)
13. Tales of My Landlord (Old Mortality 2)
14–15. Tales of My Landlord (The Heart of Midlothian)
16. Tales of My Landlord (The Bride of Lammermoor)
20–21. The Monastery
22–23. The Abbot
24. Kenilworth
26–27. The Pirate
28. The Letters of Paul
29–30. The Fortunes of Nigel
31–32. Peveril of the Peak
33–34. Quentin Durward
35–36. Saint Ronan’s Well
37–38. Redgauntlet
39. Tales of The Crusaders (The Betrothed 1)
40. Tales of the Crusaders (The Betrothed 2; The Talisman 1)
41. Tales of the Crusaders (The Talisman 2)
42–43. Woodstock
44–53. The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte
54–55. Chronicles of the Canongate
58–60. Anne of Geierstein
As concerns Waverley: the novel was first published in English in 1814; it appeared in French translation in 1818, and not in 1822, if I may be permitted to correct Diana Bickley’s dating in volume 20 of the New Berlioz Edition. The translation is by the aforementioned Joseph Martin. Did Berlioz try to read the book in English? Berlioz told his sister Nanci on November 1, 1828, that he was taking a public course in English which met for one hour three times a week6 CG 1:213.—a course he had to give up in January 1829, as he told his sister in a letter written on the 10th.7 CG 1:167.
On the title page of the autograph manuscript of his own Grande Ouverture de Waverley, Berlioz cites eight separate passages from the novel. The question we would ask is: Was he citing a French translation that he knew? Or was he translating himself? Before attempting an answer, let me take note of the carefully scripted dedication set down on that title page: “À Monsieur Brown, témoignage d’une vive et inaltérable amitié, Hector Berlioz, ce 16 avril 1839.” “A rich and immutable friendship” is no small thing—which makes it doubly odd that there is no other mention of a “Monsieur Brown” in Berlioz’s preserved writings. This fellow, not yet identified in the Berlioz literature, was a certain Jean-François-Adolphe Brown, who lived in Paris in the eighteen-thirties and -forties at 20, rue des Fossés du Temple, and at 15, Quai Bourbon. He was a translator, interpreter, professor of English at one of the secondary schools of the capital, and he gave lessons at home.8 Almanach-Bottin du commerce de Paris, 1842. In 1837, he seems to have entered into an association with the watchmaker Pierre-Charles Leclerc at 2, rue des Enfants rouges—an association formalized on November 4, 1840, according to the Gazette des Tribunaux of November 15, 1840—to form the enterprise of “Leclerc et Brown” for the purpose of manufacturing a musical instrument that was patented on July 31, 1837, as having “two wind chambers, keys, and strings,” and that was known as a mélophone.9 http://www.europeana.eu/portal/en/record/09102/_CM_0852470.html. A detailed description of this instrument first appeared in the Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris on May 26, 1839, in an article (by Berlioz’s colleague and Richard Wagner’s friend Gottfried Engelbert Anders) on the current exhibition of French industrial products in the Champs-Élysées, where the mélophone would win a silver medal.
How can I be sure that “Monsieur Brown” of the mélophone is the “Monsieur Brown” of the Waverley Overture? Because Berlioz himself mentions the instrument in his article for the Journal des débats of May 28, 1839, noting that, in Halévy’s opera Guido et Ginevra, one hears the mélophone of Monsieur Leclerc. “This instrument at once resembles the flute, the horn, the clarinet, and the basset horn. We cannot explain its interior mechanism because until now Monsieur Leclerc has preferred to keep its secret to himself.” Berlioz was always fascinated by new instruments; he was particularly taken with hand-held instruments such as this one and the English concertina, to which he consecrated an entire chapter of the second edition of his orchestration treatise. He always befriended instrument makers, including two who became lifelong friends: Adolphe Sax, of the saxophone, and Édouard Alexandre, of the orgue-mélodium. Perhaps the co-inventor of the mélophone, “Monsieur Brown,” the professor with an English surname and a French Christian name, had family relations in London; perhaps he had something to do with the performance of the Ouverture de Waverley that took place in London on March 23, 1839, only three weeks before Berlioz offered the autograph manuscript to this hitherto unknown gentleman. Perhaps the man, who seems to have annotated French translations of Shakespeare,10 Coriolane: Expliqué littéralement (1850), “with French notes by A. Brown,” is listed in Thimm, Shakespeariana, 105. and who, as a teacher, insisted that “no word of the student’s native language” be used in the teaching of English, was in fact teaching English to Berlioz! Be all of this as it may, “Monsieur Brown” is most certainly the Jean-François-Adolphe Brown we have identified:11 Bulletin de la société pour l’instruction élémentaire, 35. if we knew more about his friendship with Berlioz, we might know more about Berlioz’s study of English.
Comparisons of the French and English texts of the eight quotations Berlioz affixed to the title page of the Waverley Overture, in French, can be instructive.
Scott [1814]: “He was in his sixteenth year when his habits of abstraction and love of solitude became so much marked as to excite Sir Everard’s affectionate apprehension” (chapter 4).
Defauconpret [1826]: “Il était dans sa seizième année, lorsque son amour pour la solitude et son caractère distrait et rêveur commencèrent à donner de tendres inquiétudes à sir Éverard.”
Berlioz [1826?]: “Waverley étoit dans sa seizième année, lorsque son goût pour la solitude et son caractère mélancolique et rêveur commencèrent à se manifester […]”
Are the differences between Berlioz’s version and the Defauconpret translation due to Berlioz’s unbelievable but sometimes unreliable memory? Or are they rather due to his conviction that his own renderings were more accurate? “Habits of abstraction” is not readily rendered in French: “caractère distrait” is perfectly fine; “caractère mélancolique” is more expressive. “Love” of solitude is literally “amour” for solitude; “goût” for solitude is better reflective of the psychological reality. Berlioz’s use of the old-style spelling (“étoit”) of the imperfect tense, here and elsewhere, is characteristic of his usage in the eighteen-twenties; it is also what we find in Defauconpret’s translation. The composer’s reversal of the order of the expressions with “habits” and “love” is also characteristic, not of Berlioz, but of French sentence structure in general, although I have not seen this rule of transposition in the official guides: in Moore’s “When he who adores thee,” cited below, “lovers and friends” become, in the translation, “les amis” and “les amants,” in that order; the colors of the flag of the United States, for an American, are “red, white, and blue”; the colors of the flag of the French Republic (the same), for a Frenchman, are “bleu, blanc, [and] rouge”!
Scott [1814]: “In the corner of the large and somber library […], he would exercise for hours that internal sorcery by which past or imaginary events are presented in action, as it were, to the eye of the muser” (chapter 4).
Berlioz [1826?]: “Dans ces lieux solitaires et silencieux Édouard se plaisoit à donner l’essor à son imagination… Il se réprésentoit des scènes merveilleuses, plus brillantes que toutes celles dont il avoit entendu parler…
Here Berlioz’s version is identical to that of Defauconpret: this would be evidence that the first quotation is indeed a misremembering and not an invention.
Scott [1814]: “This secrecy became doubly precious as he felt in advancing life the influence of the awakening passions” (chapter 5).
Defauconpret [1826]: “Son secret et son isolement lui devinrent doublement chers lorsqu’avec le cours des années il sentit l’influence des passions naissantes.”
Berlioz [1826?]: “Son secret et son isolement lui devinrent doublement chers, lorsqu’en avançant dans la vie, il sentit l’influence des passions naissantes.”
Here, Berlioz’s version, “en avançant dans la vie,” is closer to Scott’s “in advancing life” than Defauconpret’s “avec le cours des années.” Is this a misremembering? Or is it rather a Berliozian perfectionnement?
Scott [1814]: “My dear Edward, it is God’s will, and also the will of your father, whom, under God, it is your duty to obey, that you should leave us to take up the profession of arms, in which so many of your ancestors have been distinguished” (chapter 6).
Berlioz [1826?]: “Mon cher Édouard, la volonté du Ciel et celle de votre père, volontés que vous devez respecter, font que vous entrez dans la carrière des armes, où plusieurs de vos ancêtres se sont couverts d’une gloire immortelle…
Here again, Berlioz’s version is identical to that of Defauconpret.
Scott [1814]: “The next morning, amid varied feelings…, Edward Waverley departed from the Hall… He now entered upon a new world, where, for a time, all was beautiful because all was new” (chapter 7).
Defauconpret [1826]: “Édouard, agité de mille sentiments confus, sortit de la vaste cour du château de Waverley… Il entroit dans un autre monde où tout lui parut d’abord charmant à cause de la nouveauté.”
Berlioz [1826?]: “Édouard, agité de mille sentiments confus, sortit de la vaste cour du château de Waverley… Il entroit dans un autre monde où tout lui parut d’abord charmant, parce que tout étoit nouveau. ”
Berlioz’s quotation from chapter 7 leaves out several sentences that Defauconpret includes, but his renderings differ from Defauconpret only at the end, where the composer’s “parce que tout étoit nouveau” is a literal and in this case better rendering of “because all was new” than “à cause de la nouveauté,” because the latter fails to capture Scott’s expressive repetition of “all… all.”
Scott [1814]: “But hear ye not the pipes, Captain Waverley?… Waverley took Flora’s hand. The dance, song, and merry-making proceeded, and closed the day’s entertainment… Edward at length retired, his mind agitated by a variety of new and conflicting feelings which detained him from rest for some time in that not unpleasing state of mind in which fancy takes the helm, and the soul rather drifts passively along with the rapid and confused tide of reflections than exerts itself to encounter, systematize, or examine them. At a late hour he fell asleep, and dreamed of Flora Mac-Ivor” (chapter 23).
Defauconpret [1826]: “Entendez-vous le son des cornemuses, Capitaine Waverley?… Waverley prit la main de Flore, et la soirée se termina par la danse et d’autres passe-temps agréables. Édouard se retira, le cœur agité de mille sentiments; il chercha pendant longtemps, mais en vain, à fixer ses idées; puis il s’abandonna tout entière à son imagination et vogua sous sa conduit dans le pays des illusions; il s’endormit enfin, et pendant son sommeil il rêva constamment de Flore Mac-Ivor.”
Berlioz [1826?]: “Entendez-vous les cornemuses, Capitaine Waverley?… Waverley prit la main de Flore, et la soirée se termina par la danse et d’autres passe-temps agréables. Édouard se retira, le cœur agité, il chercha pendant longtemps, mais en vain, à fixer ses idées; puis il s’abandonna tout entière à son imagination, il vogua sous sa conduit dans le pays des illusions; il s’endormit enfin, et dans son sommeil il rêva constamment de Flore Mac-Ivor.”
Here we find only minuscule differences between the Berlioz and the Defauconpret: the official translator departs from the original, rather complicated text, with its “fancy takes the helm,” in order to simplify, and Berlioz seem to follow. But where Defauconpret adds a word (“le son des cornemuses”), perhaps because of an insecurity regarding the English word “pipes,” Berlioz prefers, or seems to prefer, the original.
Scott [1814]: “There was an awful pause of about three minutes, during which the men, pulling off their bonnets, raised their faces to heaven and uttered a short prayer… Waverley felt his heart at that moment throb as it would have burst from his bosom. It was not fear, it was not ardour; it was a compound of both, —a new and deeply energetic impulse, that with its first emotion chilled and astounded, then fevered and maddened his mind. The sounds around him, combined to exalt his enthusiasm; the pipes played and the clans rushed forward, each in its own dark column. As they advanced they mended their pace, and the muttering sounds of the men to each other began to swell into a wild cry.… ‘Forward, sons of Ivor,’ cried their chief, ‘or the Camersons will draw the first blood!’ They rushed on with a tremendous yell” (chapter 47).
Defauconpret [1826]: “Il y eut alors un silence imposant d’environ trois minutes, pendant lequel, se découvrant la tête, ils levèrent les yeux au ciel, et prononcèrent une courte prière… Waverley sentit alors battre son cœur, comme s’il eût voulu s’échapper de son sein. Ce n’étoit ni la crainte, ni l’ardeur du combat; c’étoit un mélange de ces deux sentiments, une émotion nouvelle et énergique, qui l’étourdit d’abord et lui causa une espèce de fièvre et de délire. Le son des instruments de guerre augmentoit encore son enthousiasme. Les Clans s’avancèrent en bon ordre; chaque colonne fondit sur l’ennemi; le murmure de leurs voix réunies se changea bientôt en sauvages clameurs… ‘En avant, enfants d’Ivor,’ s’écria Fergus; ‘laisserez-vous les Camérons répandre le premier sang?’ Ils se précipitèrent avec des cris effrayants… ”
Berlioz [1826?] “Il y eut alors un silence imposant d’environ trois minutes, pendant lequel les montagnards, se découvrant la tête, levèrent les yeux au ciel, et prononcèrent une courte prière… Waverley sentit alors battre son cœur, comme s’il eût voulu s’échapper de son sein. Ce n’étoit ni la crainte, ni l’ardeur du combat; c’étoit un mélange de ces deux sentiments qui l’étourdit d’abord et lui causa une espèce de délire. Le son des instruments de guerre augmentoit encore son enthousiasme. Les Clans s’avancèrent en bon ordre; chaque colonne fondit sur l’ennemi; le murmure de leurs voix réunies se changea bientôt en sauvages clameurs… ‘En avant, enfants d’Ivor,’ s’écria Fergus; ‘laisserez-vous les Camérons répandre le premier sang?’ Ils se précipitèrent avec des cris effrayants… ”
Here Berlioz leaves out a few words (“une émotion nouvelle et énergique”; “une espèce de fièvre”), but otherwise seems to remember Defauconpret and not to translate himself.
Scott [1814]: “The battle was fought and won, and the whole baggage, artillery, and military stores of the regular army remained in possession of the victor” (chapter 47).
Berlioz [1826?]: “La bataille étoit finie, tous les bagages, l’artillerie, les munitions de guerre, étoient restés au pouvoir des vainqueurs…”
In this final passage, Berlioz’s version is identical to Defauconpret’s. Which leads to the conclusion that Berlioz did indeed well know the Defauconpret translation, and that he had the original text to hand, partly for edification and partly for verification—because even with very little English of his own, he sensed the translator’s capacity for treachery.
That translator, Auguste Defauconpret, was born in Lille in 1767 and worked successfully in Paris as a notaire until a reversal of fortune led him to emigrate to England. There he remained for some twenty-five years, translating and writing novels of his own. He returned to France in or around 1840, where he died, at Fontainebleau, in 1843. Defauconpret is credited with as many as four hundred translations.12 Hersant, “Defauconpret,” 83–88. His philosophy of translation displeased some of those whom he translated, among them the Irish writer Lady Morgan, the author of Florence Macarthy, published initially in 1818 and in Defauconpret’s translation in the following year. In fact, Lady Morgan rejected Defauconpret’s unauthorized translation, which led to a rejoinder from the translator, dated January 31, 1819, that was printed on February 8 of that year, in French, of course, in the Journal des débats:
Sir: From London, where I am staying for the moment, I have just learned that Lady Morgan has had it announced in several French newspapers that she disavows the translation I completed of her latest novel, entitled Florence Macarthy. Lady Morgan, quite certain of her writerly merits, believes that her works ought to be translated with the religious respect normally reserved for the works of Horace and Tacitus. I have the misfortune of not entirely sharing her opinion. I believe that in bringing a novel from one language to another, the translator must first and foremost ensure that the text is pleasing to the new readers he hopes to find for it. English taste is not always like our own. I offer as evidence Lady Morgan herself, who falls asleep during the performance of a tragedy by Racine, who criticizes his style, and who dislikes the acting of Mademoiselle Mars in the lovely scene of the déclaration [act 3, scene 2] of Tartuffe. I therefore removed some details [from her novel] that French readers would have found pointless, and I shortened the portraits of some of the characters who are in no way related to the main action. I have permitted myself to take the same liberties with regard to a writer whom Lady Morgan admires and whose reputation in England is far greater than hers, Monsieur Walter Scott, and the acclaim that Old Mortality, Rob-Roy, and more recently The Heart of Midlothian has found in France only proves that I was not wrong in so doing.
This attitude, that a translation must also be an arrangement, was prevalent at the time. But for Berlioz, as we know, an arrangement was a dérangement! And, as he would later feel more strongly, many a traduction was a trahision. But not for Defauconpret, who, in translating Scott, not only changed words and sentences but also the sequence of the action, in order to render it more dramatic, and more logically chronological.13 Bereaud, “La Traduction en France,” 234. Here is a small example of Defauconpret at his best.14 Bereaud, 236. Describing Lady Rowena, in chapter 4 of Ivanhoe, Scott writes: “Her complexion was exquisitely fair, but the whole cast of her head and features prevented the insipidity which sometimes attaches to fair beauties.” Defauconpret writes: “Son teint était d’une blancheur éblouissante, mais la noblesse de tous ses traits préservait sa physionomie de la fadeur qui résulte fréquemment de cet avantage.” The idea of “la noblesse de tous ses traits” for “the whole cast of her head and features” is a wise and succinct interpretation of what in the original is essentially an implication.
 
1      CG 1:80.  »
2      CG 1:177n. »
3      CG 1:121n. »
4      CG 1:155. »
5      Mémoires, 753. »
6      CG 1:213. »
7      CG 1:167. »
8      Almanach-Bottin du commerce de Paris, 1842. »
10      Coriolane: Expliqué littéralement (1850), “with French notes by A. Brown,” is listed in Thimm, Shakespeariana, 105. »
11      Bulletin de la société pour l’instruction élémentaire, 35. »
12      Hersant, “Defauconpret,” 83–88. »
13      Bereaud, “La Traduction en France,” 234. »
14      Bereaud, 236. »